Germany – Pike & Hurricane

Taking life in the name of ideology: Germany’s right-wing network

Merle Emrich — Sun, 17 May 2020 14:44:40 +0000

On 2 June 2019, the district president of the region of Kassel in central Germany, Walter Lübcke (CDU), was murdered. What was first suspected to be the crime of a lone perpetrator turned out to be the politically motivated killing of a man with profound connections to Germany’s right-wing network. What was long suspected by some, latest after the NSU (Nationalsocialist Underground) murders, and denied by others has become painfully obvious: 75 years after the defeat of the Third Reich, Germany is all but free of Nazis some of whom are willing to take other people’s life in the name of fascist ideology.

The assassination of Walter Lübcke

Almost a year after CDU politician Walter Lübcke was shot dead in his home, the federal prosecutor has filed charges against main suspect Stephan Ernst as well as his accomplice Markus H. Two weeks after the crime, DNA that could be traced back to Stephan Ernst had led to his arrest. Ernst confessed to the murder and stated that he acted alone. But then Ernst changed his lawyer to Frank Hannig, who is known to be part of the right-wing milieu by association with the Pegida movement, and withdrew his confession. He now claimed that he and Markus H. had intended to beat up Lübcke. According to Ernst, they got into a fight with the politician leading to Markus H. accidentally shooting him. Federal prosecution appears to dismiss the credibility of this second confession and views Ernst as the main suspect. But what were his motives?

In 2015, Lübcke spoke at a citizens’ assembly to inform the public on the setting up of a refugee centre close to Ernst’s home near Kassel. Members of the extreme right, including Ernst and Markus H., were in the audience and disturbed the event by making loud remarks on “the fucking state“. At some point, Lübcke seemed to have had enough and replied that whoever does not share its values “can leave this country at any time” which was followed by him being insulted as “traitor“. Markus H., then, uploaded a video of the event on YouTube resulting in several death threats by right-wing people against Lübcke.

Further aspects reinforce Ernst’s motive. He had made donations not only to the far-right AfD party but also to the Identitarian movement, and had spread hate comments online. He had been actively involved in the Hessian state elections by putting up campaign posters for the AfD, a party whose leading politicians frequently stand out through incidents such as describing Hitler and the NS regime as “bird poop in history” or being recognised as “fascist” by a legal court. Moreover, Ernst had been convicted seven times previously for serious bodily harm, attempted manslaughter and an attempted pipe bomb attack on a refugee centre. After his arrest for the murder of Lübcke two additional cases caught the investigator’s attention. Firstly, the attempted shooting of a teacher from Kassel known for his left-wing convictions in 2003. However, evidence is insufficient for the case to feature in the trial of Ernst. Secondly, a knife attack against Iraqi refugee Ahmed I. which might be relevant in court.

Deep into the brown bog

Not only is the murder of Walter Lübcke a politically motivated crime that sent ripples of shock throughout Germany, but it is also another one in a series of cases in which the German intelligence service (Verfassungsschutz) appears to have either underestimated or ignored the threat of far-right terror. Since 2009 Ernst had no longer been in the focus of the Verfassungsschutz which had categorised him as inconspicuous, and neither was Markus H., despite all evidence pointing towards both of them being active in far-right circles. Even after 2009, both Ernst and Markus H. were present at at times violent Nazi protests, including the attack on a DGB (German Trade Union Confederation) protest in 2009 and the escalated protest in Chemnitz in 2018. And although questions on the exact details remain unanswered, both Ernst and Markus H. seem to be directly or indirectly linked to the NSU on whose death list the name “Walter Lübcke” had been found.

It is furthermore assumed that Markus H. acquired the murder weapon for Ernst, made possible by another failure of the Verfassungsschutz. Initially, Markus H. had been banned from owning a weapon due to his right-wing ideology and previous convictions i.e. for the use of an unconstitutional number plate and for shouting “Sieg Heil” and doing the Hitler salute at a pub in 2006. He filed a complaint against this ban and the court asked the Verfassungsschutz if they had information on Markus H. that would speak against him owning a weapon which they negated due to lack of knowledge about a document mentioning Markus H. hardly anyone had access to. Thus, Markus H. was legally able to purchase weapons.

In fact, Ernst might have been involved far more in the extreme right movement than anyone dared to imagine when he was first suspected of having assassinated Lübcke. Evidence, in form of a photo, emerged which suggests that Ernst is part of the militant Nazi network Combat 18 (by now illegal in Germany); founded in Great Britain in 1992 and taking root in Germany in the early 2000s as a militant branch of the Blood & Honour network whose members helped out the clandestine NSU terrorists. After the arrest of Ernst, right-wing extremist Mike S. posted a comment on Facebook in solidarity with Ernst: “I stand behind comrade E., in good times as well as in bad times.” Information published by Der Spiegel, including a photo taken at the pub Stadt Stockholm after a NPD protest in 2002, proves that Ernst was not only an acquaintance of Mike S. but that he was also in contact with Combat 18 leader Stanley Röske who is rumoured to have hosted NSU terrorists Uwe Mundlos and Uwe Böhnhardt at his birthday party in 2006. German intelligence and security services however don’t seem to show much concern due to this network which prepares for right-wing terror and a “war of races”.

Hannibal, Uniter e.V. and the Nordkreuz network

Two years prior to the assassination of Lübcke another case shed light on Germany’s Nazi network. During razzias in August 2017, illegally hoarded weapons and ammunition along with 200 body bags and death lists including about 5000 names of left-wing politicians and anti-fascist activists were found. None of the accused people were convicted for attempted terror, but merely for illegal possession of weapons. Among them are right-wing populist and lawyer Jan-Hendrik H. and (by now former) detective superintendent Haik J. who were investigated on suspicion of terror as police had found a police-internal ground plan of a local politician’s flat who was under police protection. Marko G., police officer for the State Office of Criminal Investigation (LKA) and temporarily the Special Deployment Commando (SEK) who himself was hoarding ammunition, took part in the trials solely as a witness.

What connects the people whose homes were searched during these razzias is that they were part of the Nordkreuz group – one of many chat groups that could be traced back to a man named André S. alias “Hannibal”. Reconstructed chat conversations revealed the content of its members’ conversations: assassination fantasies about left-wing people, sympathising with the NSU, references to Hitler having “fought hard for the German ethnicity”, their perceived threat of Russia, Islamist terror and refugees.

Members of both Uniter – a club founded by André S. – and the right-wing chat groups hosted by him include former and active police officers and soldiers. The aim of André S. appears to have been to build a network of soldiers, police officers and representatives of public authorities who fear that in the case of a catastrophe the state won’t be able to upkeep public order. One of their strategies is to build a combat force called “Defence”. What led to the unearthing of this network, that neither the MAD (Military Counterintelligence Service) nor the Verfassungsschutz seemed to have noticed or taken seriously, was the arrest of one of the chat group’s members, Special Force Command soldier Franco A.

In early 2017, Franco A. was arrested at the Vienna airport because he had hidden a gun there. During the investigations it turned out that he was registered as Syrian refugee “David Benjamin”, possibly as part of a plan to commit attacks which were supposed to be the starting point for right-wing riots ultimately leading to a coup. He also appeared to have been involved in a plan to free imprisoned Holocaust denier Ursula Haverbeck and to blow up the memorial for the Jewish Rothschild family in Frankfurt. Apart from a death list and the gun Franco A. had hidden at the Vienna airport, additional weapons – some of which had swastikas carved into them – and explosives, a manual on how to build a bomb, a guerilla guide which is popular among members of the extreme right and Wehrmacht relics were found in his possession.

A further alarming detail in the case is that Maximilian T., fellow soldier and friend of Franco A., worked as assistant of Jan Nolte, member of parliament for the AfD. His position granted him access to parliament without having to go through a security check, as well as access to, among others, the office of Green party politician Claudia Roth whose name had been found on one of the network’s death lists.

The Higher Regional Court in Frankfurt, however, dismissed charges against Franco A. for the preparation of a serious criminal offense endangering the State. Only Mathias F., another friend and army comrade of Franco A., was convicted for illegal possession of weapons but merely received a suspended sentence. Meanwhile, the German government continued to deny the existence of any kind of right-wing network and the connection between the individual cases. Furthermore, many questions remain unanswered, among them, why Franco A. had not been noticed before. After all, he had clearly revealed his right-wing ideology in his Master thesis in 2014. He had argued that immigration was the cause of a contemporary genocide of Western European peoples and that the Jews were to blame for it, and justified the use of violence in contexts of “protection of the identity of the own people” against “foreign elements”. Even though the German army was aware of Franco A.’s Master thesis, they merely classified it as a bad academic work.

The murder of Lübcke and the cases connected to the Nordkreuz network demonstrate that the failures of the Verfassungsschutz in the context of the NSU are not a single case, but rather a symptomatic and structural problem. In part it might be related to personal faults of the former head of the Verfassungsschutz, Hans-Georg Maaßen, who had speculated on videos of the right-wing mob that chased after foreign looking people in Chemnitz (2018) being faked, who accused the Left party of being “left-wing radicals” and Antifa as “extremists”, and who is now criticising mainstream media for calling out conspiracy theories related to corona and those who spread them. But to a great extent, the blindness towards far-right extremism of the Verfassungsschutz and the government, might be due to the intransparent structures and processes of the Verfassungsschutz which lead to the disappearance or almost complete inaccessibility of documents and thus people like Stephan Ernst falling under the radar, as well as an unwillingness to admit that there is the danger of right-wing violence and terror in Germany of all places.

“Offer for idiots” (left). “Brown politics in blue colour” (right).

Anti-fascism

In his book Paris – Boulevard St. Martin No. 11 German-Jewish communist and résistant Peter Gingold wrote: “The most meaningful and precious thing in German history is and remains the anti-fascist resistance.” In an appeal to the generation born after him to continue in the tradition of antifascist resistance and to act based on a sense of justice he confessed to having it found unimaginable that, after 1945, “the following generations would be – yet again – confronted with nazism, racism, with reviving nationalism and militarism.” And yet, augmenting xenophobic sentiments and nationalism, the presence of fascist soldiers, lawyers and police officers, the existence of Nazi networks in Germany and beyond speaks a clear language, pointing precisely to this unimaginable scenario.

Since 1970 more than 250 people have died due to right-wing terror. Yet, it was not until the NSU murders – due to their scale and the failure of the Verfassungsschutz to uncover the clandestine fascist network earlier and thus prevent deaths – and the assassination of Walter Lübcke – a white man and member of the German political elite – that focus fell on the continued existence of Nazism in post-1945 Germany both in international and national media, and politics. A profound examination of the structures of the Verfassungsschutz needs to happen and Germany has to increase its awareness of the uncomfortable truth of fascist terror. Yet, while politics and intelligence services remain (partially) blind on the right eye, the ordinary citizen can still do their part, whether individually or as a group, to stand up and speak out against racism, fascism, xenophobia and other forms of hate, injustice and discrimination. And after all, antifascism, in Germany and elsewhere, does not start with the legal prosecution of those who have already committed violent acts. It starts with resisting and calling out fascist ideology already in its earliest stage.

by Merle Emrich

Photo Credits

Identitären-Demo in Berlin, 17.06.2016, Tim Lüddemann, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Chemnitz: AfD-Trauermarsch und Gegenkundgebung (1), Tim Lüddemann, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Chemnitz: AfD-Trauermarsch und Gegenkundgebung (2), Tim Lüddemann, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Solidarität verteidigen – United against racism & fascism, Rasande Tyskar, CC BY-NC 2.0

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German hip-hop: misogyny in rap music

Elena Wasserzier — Tue, 24 Mar 2020 16:06:49 +0000

Rap has always been a form of radical expression. Artists would describe their living situations, childhood, relationships and politics in a form of recitative criticism, rap. While it has been and still is a channel for criticism and change, some directions of rap or particular rappers take a very derogatory approach to their relationships and women in general. Misogynistic and violent lyrics are on the daily.

#unhatewomen

Especially lately, there has been an uproar in Germany following the campaign #unhatewomen against misogyny in German rap. In a video by #terredesfemmes, several women read out critical verses and lyrics by controversial rappers and songs, which are intrinsically misogynistic and brutal owing to their glorification of violence against women; often labelling them as objects and “sluts”. The campaign was followed by drastic measures by the rapper Fler, who in order to “defend himself” and his image, threatened to hunt down a particular feminist who posted the campaign on Instagram, tagging several German rappers, including Fler to position themselves and react. No one would probably have expected him to start a bounty hunt, including offering money to whoever finds her and delivers her to his address. While this might just have been another provocative move, he definitely crossed a line by posting her on his Instagram and shaming and threatening her.

The whole situation is as unimaginable as it seems. It is just a representation of how seriously dangerous the issue is, and how they take what they sing as the truth. The issue is that many people read the lyrics as art and artistic expression that might be true and not every rapper means what he raps just in order to be provocative and sensational, it creates a certain image for many teenagers and young people, who are heavily influenced by contemporary rap. Although many have the ability to differentiate between lyrical fantasy and reality, there is going to be a flock of people that support the misogynistic point of view that these specific rappers represent and discuss in their so-called art. And it’s not only portrayed in German hip-hop. Misogyny and certain power structures, vocalized in rap all over the world, show the inherent patriarchy at a global level.

The rapper Snoop Dogg raps in his song “Bitches ain’t sh*t”: “Bitches ain’t sh*t but hoes and tricks / Lick on these nuts and suck the d*ck”, referring to what women’s dignity means to him. He is not the only one. Another example is probably one of the most polarizing rappers of the world. Eminem raps aggressively in his song “Kill you”: “Slut, you think I won’t choke no whore / Til the vocal cords don’t work in her throat no more?!“

The roots of misogyny in rap

In many cultures and nations rap is an expression of the authentic experience of the artist. Often it is considered normal that rappers objectify women in their songs and create stereotypical narratives. The subordination of women and the threat of violence secures the masculine ego and are supposed to reflect their environment. Derogatory names like “b*tch and wh*re” are commonplace and emphasize the devaluation of women. Furthermore, polarising lyrics and provocations sell better on the market anyway, and commercial success might follow.

Kanye West, an American rapper, even confirmed in an interview that misogynistic lyrics are an outcome of men “who’ve found themselves belittled, turning towards the women in their lives and lashing out at them in order to feel validated. In their jobs, the social life and everyday situations.”

Of course, not every artist produces misogynistic songs or is a potential violent person or rapist, rather the contrary since many verses can be seen as sarcastic, excessive and overdrawn.

Real-life consequences

Nevertheless, the influence on youth remains overpowering. A study by the Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications focused on how misogynistic song texts can influence listeners to be more willing to commit violence towards an intimate partner. Especially women in the age group 20-24 are most at risk to experience non-fatal violence by their partners. Half of their survey participants claimed that popular rap tends to shape the attitude of the listeners regarding domestic violence. This supports the thesis that “misogynistic music also serves as a means to desensitize individuals to sexual harassment, exploitation, abuse, and violence toward women” and “legitimizes the mistreatment and degradation of women”. Derogatory language and exposure of youth “increase hostile and aggressive thoughts,” which may correlate to “more permanent hostility toward women”. Equally over 50% of the survey participants believed that the language used in many rap songs also promotes aggression, violence, and disrespect towards women. The acceptance of the objectification of women by listening to misogynistic content might lead to an adaptance of similar behaviour.

But there’s also the manifestation of the “freedom of expression” that allows artists to express their sentiments in the way they intend or want to do that. Even Grammy executive Producer Ken Ehrlich approved that the industry is more concerned with allowing artists to express their artistic freedom and what is on their mind. Sayings like “don’t worry, it’s just a song”, are used frequently to defend derogatory songs when individuals complain or voice disapproval. Fact is that misogyny in music is still an issue to be battled, even in 2020.

Campaigns like #unhatewomen will help raise more awareness towards the issue, but might be forgotten if not constantly brought up. We have to talk about the process of desensitization and hate speech towards women that listeners are constantly exposed to in many songs. And whilst we as listeners of contemporary music and rap have a responsibility to continue listening and spreading the message against misogyny and subordination of women, the responsibility falls upon the artists, who should start changing their patterns, which should already have been shed decades ago.

by Elena Wasserzier

Photo credits

fight fist mic, OpenClipart Vectors

EMINEM rapping, Scott Kinmartin, CC BY 2.0.

See related articles

Rap music as a political message

Re-Metamorphoses: The Misogynistic Legacy of Western Mythology

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The myth of the right-wing East and how Thuringians proofed the opposite

Nina Kolarzik — Sat, 22 Feb 2020 16:03:50 +0000

The city Erfurt in the central German federal state Thuringia has a long tradition of being shaped by its citizens. This was shown again on the 5th of February, when an election woke up people and parties all over Germany. A regionally focused opinion about a global problem: citizens struggling with their elected representatives.

The progression of events

After the regional elections in Thuringia in November 2019, the election for the Bundesland’s prime minister (PM) took place in the regional parliament. For the context: the office holder Bodo Ramelow for the Left stood for election, as did Christoph Kindervater for the AfD, the right-wing nationalist party. The first two ballots saw no winner because no one gained the absolute majority. In the third ballot, when only a relative majority mattered, a third candidate suddenly appeared: Thomas Kemmerich from the FDP (liberal Democrats). He won with 45 votes against Ramelow (44 votes, Kindervater 0). To understand the political earthquake this created it is necessary to know that the FDP, with only 5% of the votes, barely managed to get into the parliament. The election of Kemmerich was only possible due to votes from the CDU (Conservatives) and the AfD. And with that, the chaos was perfect.

Protest against Kemmerich

Everything about the political events, statements and discussion of the parties can be read in the main German news outlets that constantly reported about it. What was little talked about is what happened in Thuringia’s streets, what moved civil society: They saw a problem and did not let it go without a comment. Spontaneously, demonstrations formed all over the state’s capital Erfurt. Around 5pm a crowd gathered at the state chancellery, where Ramelow’s office was located.

The message is spreading fast in social media. People are coming into the city just for the protest or join spontaneously while being on a walk. A speaker talks of 2000 participants. All generations are represented.

“Kemmerich wir woll’n dich nicht!” [Kemmerich, we don’t want you!]

It is cold but the crowd remains for hours in front of the state chancellery, peaceful, but shouting to the windows. Not everyone agrees – a man who passes says “Go home” to the protesters. But energy is rising with the call: “Bodo ans Fenster” [Bodo to the window]. It reminds of the historic meeting of Willy Brandt and Willi Stoph in 1970. The protesters demand the resignation of Kemmerich and re-elections. But Kemmerich refuses. After one hour, a human chain is forming around the chancellery to hinder Kemmerich from entering. He is not our PM, they say.

Why the protest?

In the political landscape there is not only Good and Bad. Maybe Kemmerich’s politics have some good ideas. A Kemmerich as PM is one thing – a PM who got into office thanks to the votes of a right-wing party is something different. One who thinks that the public is just going to accept that has miscalculated the situation, is short sighted or simple minded.

CDU and FDP decline a formal cooperation with the AfD, Kemmerich portrays himself as their opponent also in the future. So, what is the people’s problem? First, there is the size of the Thuringian FDP. Kemmerich is far from having a majority, since he declines to work with the AfD and the Left, and Social Democrats and the Green party decline to work with him. His government would have been incapable of working. With 5%, the FDP would have been governing a federal state that voted for something completely else. People felt ignored, their democracy betrayed.

The Left, that had the most support in the election, was the loser. Not because of the FDP’s own power, but only thanks to CDU and AfD. And there is the problem. Kemmerich only got his power thanks to a right-wing nationalist party. And even though he distances himself from them – is it justifiable? Not for the Thuringians on the streets. Kemmerich is positioning himself clearly against AfD, against Höcke, against the Right wing. But these words are apparently not enough, since he was so obviously supported in the election – even though he himself previously excluded an election through the AfD. The protesters fear that the AfD thus gains power in Thuringian politics and they criticise the hypocrisy of the Thuringian FDP. Some draw a comparison to the end of the Weimar Republic: “Wer hat uns verraten? Freie Demokraten!” [Who betrayed us? Liberal Democrats!]

Political chess

Many suspect a setup behind the election and the AfD is presenting itself as the puppet master. That it was planned shows in the way that the whole AfD voted for Kemmerich and not their own candidate. Pure political strategy: trusting that not enough delegates vote for Ramelow, waiting until the third ballot to then bring in a new candidate and bring him into office. The talks behind closed doors and the political manoeuvring are criticised. The election of the federal PM is not direct, but an indirect democratic process – in this case, too indirect for many. The people in front of the chancellery want Ramelow back, he has a lot of support. He brought about a lot of change in the past 5 years, necessary change, which is reflected by his growing popularity. His politics are described as integrative. The result of the regional election reflects the public’s wish for him to continue his work.

Whatever happens, the AfD is using it to present themselves as winners. What do they gain from the election? An overthrown left government and a lot of material to claim it was the will of the people. They portray the result as their own success and that Kemmerich did everything they wanted. Their goal: to prevent another left-social-green government. Party whip Gauland recently said, the AfD would also vote for Ramelow just to block him because he would not accept. This shows their destructive character. They celebrate that they cannot be ignored anymore but need to be included in decision-making. It could be seen how many oppose that just on Erfurt’s streets. But one thing was achieved: FDP and CDU walk into a crisis and are internally caught in an argument about their direction. The political parties are disunited in their reaction, fear to take any responsibility, are unsure about how to proceed.

All united?

I wrote based on my experience of the demonstration, that I supported and joined spontaneously. What impressed me was the fact that Thuringia can organize a protest like that. My home surprised me. It was a counterexample to the story of the right-wing East. When talking about the new federal states, it is often mentioned that so many nationalists are living there. That the East is different, less experienced with democracy. That right-wing tendencies are more accepted. Unfortunately, it is a fact that in Thuringia the AfD has particular strong support. But why is so little talked about why Thuringians went on the streets this time? A spontaneous demonstration for democracy and against nationalism? Yes, Thuringia can do that! People showed that they do not accept everything.

“Alle zusammen gegen den Faschismus!” [All united against facism!]

In everyday life, active participation in politics is not high on the agenda. You might complain, but on rare occasions there was as much interest as shown in the past weeks. People came together, they informed each other, with one common goal. This group dynamic and energy united people.

A breach of a taboo is what the events are frequently called in the media – and this is the central point of the political debate: what do you accept? The news is reporting a lot about the reactions in politics. Debates about re-elections or not, candidates and directions of the parties follow on an everyday basis and change quickly. Kemmerich announced his resignation after 25 hours. There is a lot of pressure coming from the top of the parties. But not only the pressure from above counts – also the one from below. From the population. Who talks about the people in Thuringia? They are the ones that showed: we are against nationalism! This article was supposed to show how pressure from below was done: peaceful, spontaneous, but with a clear message. Not only in Erfurt by the way, but also in Weimar, Jena, Gera und Ilmenau. There is much talk about a catastrophe in politics in Thuringia but little about the success of civil society there. And the protest goes on.

by Nina Kolarzik

Photo Credits

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Concerts for change: the rhythms of rock, politics and democracy

Nina Kolarzik — Wed, 04 Dec 2019 16:21:29 +0000

Art is not always free from politics, music and politics overlap, which can be examined in many different ways. Political statements are expressed through music, intentions disguised in notes. What’s more, concerts of musicians with a specific political opinion are used for gatherings of certain political groups.

This article talks about so called “Rechtsrock” (right-wing rock) concerts that take place in Germany. Some concerts become tradition and places like the small town Themar in Eastern German Thuringia are now known for their Rechtsrock concerts and right-wing gatherings. Since 2017, the annual concert Rock gegen Überfremdung (“rock against foreign infiltration”) is taking place there – it is the biggest one in Germany with visitors from 23 European countries. But this is not the end – when there is political resistance against extremism, the background music is not far…

Power tunes: about the phenomenon

It is not only a phenomenon in Germany. In the second half of the past century what is called “White power music” developed in Britain (in Sweden known as Vit makt-musik) and has been spreading since then, mainly across Europe and North America. The music scene is part of the socio-political movement of neo-fascism and fulfills several functions that go beyond the enjoyment of good rhythms.The expression of political opinion and ideas in the lyrics and messages of the songs is of course one aspect – vocal propaganda that is more powerful and attractive than pamphlets. Bands as the British Skrewdriver are legends in the “hate rock” scene. Race, nation and people are common themes in their songs.

“Fight for your country, fight for your race,

Fight for your nation, fight made our people great.”

(We fight for Freedom)

They paint a picture of the ideal, Aryan man, and at the same time a left-communist enemy. In big groups and events like this, right-wing groups feel more confident to show their nationalist agenda in public.

But there is more to it than lyrics. It is also a way of getting around all the restrictions that come along with announcing a gathering as a political congregation, including a possible ban on such gatherings. It also means a profit for the groups through the distribution of the music.

Another, even more severe function, is the recruitment. Without being confronted with the actual political actions, white power music concerts introduce an entire subculture in particular to young people who might already have an anti-mainstream and anti-leftist stance. It can be the first contact with the right-wing scene in itself, without looking too obvious like political recruitment.

The most recent edition of the concert in Themar in 2019 was indeed registered as a political event. The federal states of Thuringia and Saxony plan to work harder on tightening up the loopholes in the right to assembly, to hinder right-wing gatherings like these concerts where extremist groups make money with gatherings that function as demonstrations. The issue is dividing towns and communities. But while politics might only wake up now, the citizens of Themar have a long time ago stood up and started to act.

Vive la Résistance!

Civil society is fighting against right-wing extremism and racism with organising own events and concerts, taking the issue in its own hands. Because extremism is not only a political, but also a social issue.

The citizens of Themar are struggling against their home towns being chosen as venue for the gatherings and do not want to be known as a place of neo-fascism. Particularly in Eastern German cities, that have on average a higher population that sympathizes with right-wing thinking, citizens are organising themselves to show they are more than that. With counter movements and political statements for multi- culturalism and democracy, like Themar gegen Rechts, they make a stance for human values. Musicians, anti-fascist organisations, political parties and hundreds of visitors form one colourful crowd that counters the white-power tunes, that is separated from them by police forces.

They have the support of the leading regional politicians. And that of many more people all across the country. Which is the goal of having concerts and festivals like this: to show all the individual activists and initiatives, that they are not the only ones.

Themar is not alone in its effort. Since Eastern Germany is, when it comes to political news, frequently mentioned in one sentence with strong right-wing support, citizens stand up to show that this does not represent a majority of the population. In Ostritz, locals bought all the beer in the area before a Rechtsrock festival. On the 1st of May 2019 the event Zusammenstehen (“Stand together”) for solidarity and diversity took place in Erfurt, including speeches and a Festival of the Many with dozens of musicians on the International Labour Day.

In Chemnitz in Summer 2018, a huge free concert was organised under the hashtag #wirsindmehr (“we are more”). It was organised by local civil initiatives as a statement for a peaceful, open, tolerant and democratic society. Big names of the German music landscape, that are known for their political activism against right-wing extremism, as FeineSahneFischfilet, Die Toten Hosen, Kraftklub or K.I.Z., performed. 2019 it was continued as “Wir bleiben mehr” (“we remain more”).

Music is made together

We can see that music can provide the energy for people to make themselves heard. For neo-fascism, but also for everyone who is countering the right-wing extremism and the fear of the unknown.

The band FeineSahneFischfilet returned in Autumn 2019 to Themar for a concert to support those people and initiatives in the region, that engage since years against right extremism. Their message is: frustration with politics is understandable, when no-one seems to care about your little villages. But it should not serve as a reason to support extremist parties.

That is activism for a diverse but united society through music. Kraftklub singer Felix Brummer said in Chemnitz: “We are not naive. We are not living in the illusion, that you do one concert and then the world is saved. But sometimes it is important to show that you are not alone.”

by Nina Kolarzik

Photo Credits

Neonazi-Kundgebungen, kai.schwerdt, CC BY-NC 2.0

Marteria | Marteria & Casper, Stefan-Mueller.pics, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Zusammenstehen

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The Döner and foreign policy

Julia Glatthaar — Tue, 21 Aug 2018 07:03:22 +0000

Denn Döner Macht Schöner

Turkey is known for many things, up and foremost for its food: Burek, Baklava, Kötbullar (yes, you read correctly, basically your whole life has been a lie) and, of course, the highlight of German-Turkish relations, the most fantastic … DÖNER.

Döner can be eaten the traditional way (professionals can eat it whilst walking or running to work), or in one of its chicken, vegetarian or vegan variations. It is one of the best foods to eat when going to Germany, and then, when travelling onwards to other countries, it will be the most disappointing experience of your whole trip.

In other words, Döner is great, and Döner is exciting.

Foreign Policy on the other hand is something many people often don’t really think about. It is complex, complicated and often gloomy and discouraging. However, it is also something very important and a topic we do not think enough about.

So, by analysing foreign policy through the theoretical framework of Döner, I hope to make foreign policy a bit more accessible.

Turkish-German relations

German-Turkish relations date back a long time. Today, this relationship is manifested in the epitome of awesomeness – the Döner. If you have ever been to Berlin, the capital city of the Döner Empire, you will most likely remember a harmonious setting. People from all cultural backgrounds sitting and standing in or around their favourite Döner joint, sharing the experience of this meal together. Whilst you may remember this multicultural setting as being very peaceful, behind closed doors, as always when you have two different and strong personalities coming together, conflict is unavoidable.

Turkish Delights? No thank you.

Germany currently holds the largest diaspora of Turkish citizens in the world, but the immigration process, even after all these years, is as poisoning as a Döner, which has been lying in the sun for 7 days. From the Turkish side, government actions from Erdogan have put a huge strain on the relationship of the political leaders, which of course, affects the civilian population as well. And there are problems lurking everywhere.

For instance, the comedian Jan Böhmerman, became a huge threat to relations on an international level., solely by publishing a poem. Moreover, there are other issues, such as the EU-Turkey immigration deal, which only contribute to making things less than perfect. And finally, there is the problem, that the Döner is not the only thing that is crossing Turkey’s borders and coming to the land of Lederhosen and Dirndl. Erdogan himself seems to try and imitate the ways of the Döner, only that this Turkish delight is not particularly welcome on the GDR’s territory. This became particularly evident during 2008, 2011, 2014 and recently in 2017, when Erdogan tried to secure his presidence through rallies for the 1,5 million Turks living in Germany who are eligible to vote. The German government and population did not like the idea of Erdogan’s visit, due to German reporters being detained in Turkey, as well as the precarious human rights situation in the homeland of the Kebab.

Since the Döner showcases, that the merging of these two cultures is possible, it seems that this simple dish should function as a role model for these two countries.

Bringing the heat – Must Germany return to the Currywurst?

However, Turkey is not the only cook who is spoiling this Turkish-German recipe. Germany, instead of quietly eating a Döner and being happy, has added to the heat, by acting like this horrible drunk person in your favourite Döner store who suddenly starts throwing food around and insulting the owners.

The bad taste of Islamophobia has taken control of the mouths off many Germans, and has spread political right-wing food poisoning all over the country. Threats towards the Turkish communities have become more and more prominent and thereby effectively undermine any positive progress made in immigration processes. In addition, Mosques and the holy sights of Döner stores have more frequently become targets of attacks and so called ‘Döner murders’.

Sadly, many see Turkish culture, language, food, anything as a threat to “the good culture and traditions of Germany”, with one exception: football heroes such as Khedira.

Instead of embracing the multicultural setting, Germans fear the impact of of Turkish immigrants. Moreover, the current political climate and myopic views on Turkish immigration, which often just get equated with ‘something Islamic’ leads to sabotaging the everyday lives of millions of Turkish people who contribute to what is German society. Yes, immigration does have an impact on the country and brings a number of challenges to the eating table (which can be overcome), but does Germany really have so much to fear?

When I compare the deliciousness of Döner, to ‘good, traditional German currywurst’, the horrible mess of sausage, if you can even call it that, smothered in disgusting, luke warm chilli sauce, it is very clear: Germany can and should learn a lot from their Turkish partners, fast.

By Julia Glatthaar

Pictures:
Image 1 by Nicolas Nova, Döner Kebab, (CC BY 2.0)

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Merkel: The Neverending Story

Merle Emrich — Sun, 29 Oct 2017 12:56:42 +0000

On September 18, 2005, Angela Merkel (CDU: Christian Democratic Union) was elected German chancellor for the first time. Now, twelve years later, the German people have declared their trust in her once more despite controversial debates as for example over Merkel’s handling of the refugee crisis which splits the country, and despite critical voices within and outside the CDU calling for change.

But how can we explain Angela Merkel’s success? Is it popularity that keeps Merkel in power? Is it a sheer lack of acceptable alternatives? Or are there subtler underlying reasons that motivated so many to vote for her? And if so, where will we be able to find those reasons?

World Politics

If we look at current world politics we might be able to find reasons for Angela Merkel’s re-election there. Next to leaders such as Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the German chancellor embodies a vision of stability, moderate policies and security. In the past, she has proved herself a manager of crises: be it the Euro crisis, holding up the dialogue with Russia, or her response to the refugee crisis (even though it has split the party and the people). These crises have strengthened Merkel’s position and her voters seem to believe that she is able to handle the present crises and those that will surely come in the near future. She offers equilibrium at a time of uncertainty.

With Brexit, an increased risk of terrorism and the conflict between the United States and North Korea, we live in times of instability and insecurity. Therefore many people prefer not to take any risks or to make ‘experiments’ on the national level by voting for change in government. They rather stick to what (or whom) they already know and consider to be at least acceptable.

Merkel and Schulz

The line between the CDU and the SPD (Social Democrats) is blurred. And the SPD having been the Christian Democrats’ junior partner during the last legislative period did not help either. Because SPD has been a part of the coalition government with CDU and directly involved in active decision-making processes for the last four years, they have difficulties criticising the CDU without criticising themselves. Therefore, it seems that the Social Democrats are not different enough from the Christian Democrats. Martin Schulz, who had been the President of the European Parliament for five years (2012-2017) and then became the SPD’s chancellor candidate in this year’s election, does not seem to differ much from Angela Merkel. Thus the election campaign does not polarise the people, and so the people keep voting for the CDU.

Refugees and security have been important topics during the election campaign, especially in the media and there is very little distinction in the Social Democrats’ and the Christian Democrats’ policy regarding those issues: both warn of a repetition of the 2015 refugee crisis, both want to strengthen the police force and plan of having more surveillance cameras in public places.

But not only have the two parties moved closer together politically, already during the 2013 election campaign the CDU had left the SPD standing without one of their goals – the minimum wage – by taking on the topic themselves. This year then Merkel managed to escape the pressure the CDU had been put under by the SPD and the opposition through making a vote on same-sex marriage possible in parliament before the election.

Coalition and Consensus

Angela Merkel’s strategy of using other parties’ political agenda to gain the support of the people is perhaps her greatest asset against the other parties.

And it was not only the minimum wage and same-sex marriage. When, after the catastrophe of Fukushima, she made a U-turn in the party’s energy policy by turning away from nuclear energy and promoting renewable energies, the chancellor left the Green Party without a cause and we saw them plummet in the polls.

Merkel appears to take the majority as her guideline. She lets other politicians lead the debates and then steps in when an opinion has formed among the people and there already is a rough consensus. She absorbs different positions in order to embody this consensus, and thus makes opposition highly difficult and forms a coalition – which is inevitable – with almost every other party possible.

In addition, she promises nothing that she cannot keep, or as the German news satire show “Heute show” put it: “We promise nothing. But that we keep.” Merkel does not offer a vision of the future but her voters know that the future is far too unpredictable to predict, anyway.

Angela Merkel and the CDU After the Elections

Now, after the election, the development of German politics and Merkel’s career as chancellor will certainly be interesting. Shortly after the results of the election had come in the SPD declared that they would be part of the opposition for the next four years which could have three possible results. Should the CDU/CSU not be able to form a coalition with another party there might be new elections which would likely lead to the Christian Democrats losing more votes and parties such as Die Linke (“The Left”), but also the right-wing Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, “Alternative for Germany”) gaining votes. Yet, this outcome is very unlikely. The other option would be a minority government. This, too, would be far from profiting Angela Merkel and the CDU since they would have to govern without a majority of seats in parliament.

The most likely outcome is a coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP (Free Democrats) and the Green Party. While this would provide a working government, it would still not be easy since the parties’ policies concerning certain issue areas such as pension and environment differ from one another in various points, even within the CDU and CSU (the CDU’s Bavarian sister party).

Never Ending Story?

But whatever the outcome of the coalition negotiations will be, fact is that Angela Merkel has been elected for the fourth time in a row. It is likely to be due partly to her adopting other parties’ aims and leaving them without that part of their agenda that sets them apart from the CDU.

Another cause is, to a certain extent, a great part of the German people feeling that security, stability, continuity and a certain degree of predictability are needed at the moment. Especially in comparison with other powerful leaders such as Trump, Putin and Erdogan, Merkel seems to embody those values and appears to many as the best candidate to manage our crises – present or future.

But as the German psychologist Stephan Grünewald pointed out: the standstill agreement of “I make sure that you’ll be fine, but please no questions” won’t work forever. And the seemingly never ending story of Chancellor Merkel might come to an end as abrupt as the era of Kohl who had been chancellor for 16 years until the general election in 1998.

Now, she has four years time to prove Grünewald wrong, to be the competent crisis manager the people describe her as, and to maintain “a Germany in which we live well”.

By Merle Emrich

Photo Credit:

Angela Merkel, James Rea, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

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Under Pressure: Right-Wing Party AfD Moves into the German Parliament

Annika Müller — Sun, 29 Oct 2017 12:38:45 +0000

“The AfD will hunt Merkel down. We will reclaim our country and our people”, is what party representative Alexander Gauland proclaimed in reaction to his party’s success in the German parliament election. The AfD (“Alternative für Deutschland”- engl. “Alternative for Germany”) gained 12.6% of all votes, making them the third-biggest fraction in the German parliament. For the first time in 50 years, a party to the right of the Christian-Democratic Union – lead by Angela Merkel – will move into the parliament. How long will the party’s success last?

From protest movement to popular opposition

The AfD was formed in Berlin in 2013 as a “party and citizens’ movement against the undemocratic and unjust arbitrariness”, as they put it on their website. Only a year later, they gained 7 seats in the European Parliament, as well as access to regional governments in Germany.

The party gained publicity through their controversial, conservative stances on issues such as the European Union, marriage equality for homosexual couples, immigration and asylum. In detail, the party advocated for Germany to leave the European Union, fully opposes gay rights – despite providing an openly lesbian woman as the chancellor candidate – and is continuously critical of Merkel’s refugee policy.

Now, the party is likely to become the new leader of the opposition. Werner Patzelt – political scientist working at University of Dresden, Saxony – highlights two main advantages of being the opposition leader in the German parliament: Being in charge of the chairmanship of the Committee of Budgets, as well as the right to be the first respondent to parliament decisions. Therefore, the AfD might be prone to gain even more political influence and also more publicity.

Power to persist?

What kind of policies is the AfD likely to push now that they gained a considerable amount of legislative power? According to NPR, one of the party’s main goals is the complete closure of the German border to refugees and immigrants, including the prohibition of subsequent immigration of family members, which up until now was possible for immigrants with a residence permit.

Moreover, the party favors the ban of headscarves and strongly advocates for Germany’s withdrawal from the Eurozone. However, party representative and election campaign manager Alexander Gauland failed to give concrete answers when asked about plans concerning retirement and health care reforms, as reported by the “Berliner Zeitung”.

DESCRIPTION: Locals protesting AfD’s party convention in Cologne, partially waving flags of the German left party “Die Linke”. Their signs say “Racists in sheep’s clothing”, (from left to right) “We are one” and “AfD is not an alternative”. Credit: Elke Wetzig, Wikimedia Commons.

“Electoral breakthrough is different from electoral persistence”, highlights Cas Mudde, who works at the Center of Research on Extremism at the University of Oslo, in his opinion piece about the AfD’s election success. Historically, it has been difficult for right-wing parties to not only establish a faction but also hold it together. Here it should be mentioned that no other German Party is willing to form a coalition with AfD, as NPR reported.

Moreover, Mudde states that AfD has a weak relationship to its voters, as the majority claim to be “against all other parties”, as opposed to voting for AfD out of sincere conviction. In addition, only 12 percent of the AfD-voters support chancellor candidate Alice Weidel, which makes her the least popular candidate within her own party and in all of Germany. Overall, Mudde doubts that the AfD will be a consistent force in the parliament.

Young party on shaky ground

Many political scientists, like Mudde in the referenced article above, predict that AfD will split into different, smaller groups as the legislative period progresses. In addition, one of AfD’s most famous party leaders – Frauke Petry – announced that she will not sit in the parliament as an AfD-representative, but as an independent representative, which was universally received as a surprise.

The voters themselves have heavily criticized the party for not clearly rejecting racist ideals and “distancing themselves from extreme positions”. In the eyes of their voters and even party members, it seems like AfD is failing to establish themselves as a real “alternative” to the established parties of the German political spectrum. Of course, frequent protests and public backlash against their conservative policies put pressure on the party as well.

AfD is a rather young party that began as a protest movement and turned into the third strongest force in the German parliament today. Their stances are controversial, which causes the party to face criticism from opposing parties and politicians, political activists and even within their own following. Whether they will be able to last in the German parliament, let alone successfully execute their ideas for policies, only time will tell.

By Annika Aries Müller

Photo credit:

AfD, Olaf Kosinsky, CC-BY-SA-3.0-DE

Köln stellt sich quer, Elke Wetzig, CC-BY-SA-4.0

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