revolution – Pike & Hurricane

What Happened in Armenia? An Overlooked Country and the Flow of Information

Nina Kolarzik — Sun, 16 Jun 2019 08:27:34 +0000

Three weeks ago, I spent some time in Armenia. Before the journey the question: “Where is Armenia?” was asked several times. It seems like it has not appeared on the map of many people’s mind in Europe. Sure, it is a small country, but nevertheless not new on the globe. I have to admit, the one thing I did connect to it is its participation in the Eurovision Song Contest. But while I know basic facts of its existence, one person of our group did not even think about bringing her passport, because she did not know that we would leave the EU.

I assume this issue is rooted in the lacking appearance of this Caucasian country in the international attention and news. And that despite the major events that took place in its capital Yerevan last spring. Events that led to a revolution that changed a whole country politically. No one seemed to have noticed. Or did I just not pay enough attention to the news?

Armenia’s Revolution

It is called the Velvet Revolution. The peaceful protest started with an MP of the opposition, Nikol Pashinyan, who did a two weeks protest march towards the capital. Over time, people from all over the country, all regions and age groups joined the movement. They skipped school and work, everything to show their will. This act of civil disobedience was a sign against corruption, despotism and nepotism of the ruling party and against the re-election of Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan. The national flag was shown as support for the protest.

The movement and its leader became the hope for more freedom, justice and fairness in the elections, for more real democracy. The protests grew bigger and forced Sargsyan to resign and eventually Pashinyan became Prime Minister. The pressure of the public had for once achieved something of major importance. And not only that, it did it in a solely peaceful, non-violent way.

I read about this on my journey, while preparing myself for this new country. I was surprised that I had no idea about what has been going on there, only one year ago. Being in the country and meeting many of the Armenian people opened up a new perspective and source of information. Our new friends told us passionately about how they had joined the protests. They told us about all the people that had gathered on the squares of Yerevan. One explained that he could not go to the capital at that time and it was clear that he was still sad to have missed out on those important days. Everybody in Armenia seems to have been part of this- either through physical presence or at least mental support. New information for me. Why did something, that is so essentially important to the life of nearly three million people, not even reach my ear? Or my memory?

Armenia, Armenians and protest

The protests show a side and extent of civil activism that I did not expect. It is inspiring. The people of Armenia care about their country and they take action when necessary. In the area around the mountain town Jermuk, dozens of people are protesting against mining done by big corporations, with the aim to preserve the nature and the land. When they want something, they take it into their own hands. Something we could learn from them. If we would just hear about it.

The personal connection has left behind an interest in Armenia which teaches to listen more carefully, to keep an eye out for what is said and what is not said in the news. The questions arise: what is given priority in the news? What or who decides, what is interests the world? What is important for you, for me, for anyone to know?

by Nina Kolarzik

Photo Credits

revolution 250418 by Սոնա Մանուկյան, CC BY-NC 2.0

revolution 230418 by Սոնա Մանուկյան, CC BY-NC 2.0

revolution 260418 by Սոնա Մանուկյան, CC BY-NC 2.0

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All Power to All People?

Nikhil Gupta — Mon, 03 Jun 2019 18:55:39 +0000

You’ve learned about all the great revolutions and struggles of the past. The French Revolution was iconic, overthrowing all the monarchs and aristocrats. The American Revolution fought off the British colonizers in what led to the establishment of the United States of America. Any definition of a revolution generally involves an extreme shift in a country’s political structure. The sheer audacity adds to the romance and the ink writing the stories of France and America is permanent in your history books. They are often symbolized as the foundational pillars of the modern world.

Well, what if I wave my wand and magically give you a revolution that changes the country’s government, sends the colonialists back home with their tails between their legs; oh, and also abolishes slavery…. All in the year 1804? If the sheer audacity of such a revolution exists (at that time), then surely you must have studied it.

It did happen. But there is little discourse in history that captures the magnitude and greatness in the story of Haiti – one that was well ahead of its time. But why is this the case?

The Haitian Revolution

Between 1791 to 1804, the French colony of Saint-Domingue saw a series of conflicts that eventually led to the formation of an independent country founded by former slaves. It began with Toussaint L’Ouverture gaining control of several slave areas. He was an ex-slave and is considered the most charismatic hero and leader of the revolution. It ultimately ended as a successful slave rebellion that established a fully functioning country.

Why is this particularly special? Well, slave rebellions have historically almost always failed. This was the biggest slave rebellion since Spartacus’s failed revolt 1900 years ago!

Slavery wasn’t the only institution of fragmentation in the colony. Haitian society was also divided by the metrics of class and gender. The population of the country consisted of roughly 500,000 slaves, 32,000 colonists and interestingly, 24,000 Affranchis. The Affranchis were mostly of mixed, African and European descent and were often slave owners themselves. Their identity added an extra layer of fragmentation on a class and racial level and was crucial in determining the tide and success of the revolution. There also existed a faction of slaves that escaped called the Maroons and fought guerilla battles with the colonial forces.

To be able to unite multiple factions in a society that has been divided on so many levels, given the time period, is truly unique. This uniqueness brings a peculiarity with it because despite it being around the same time as the American and French Revolutions, it had somehow been omitted from the history books. The Americans were fighting for their freedom from Britain, and France was fighting for liberty within their own nation. Haiti surpasses both cases on paper. Even though the revolutions in France and America were successful, neither nation abolished slavery for many years afterwards. It cannot be stated enough that the abolotion of slavery in 1804 is as revolutionary as revolutions get in the history of mankind.

Winners write history

Historians have admittedly described the Haitian Revolution as the most successful slave rebellion. The problem with this is that it reduces the complexities of the revolution that brought forth ideals of human rights, universal citizenship and participation in government. Many argue that it has purposefully been done this way as Haiti threatened to essentially steal the thunder from America and France.

Popkin argues that certain ommissions by historians stem from the fact that it was considered a greater accomplishment than the American Revolution. As word about the Haitian Revolution circulated, many European powers ostracized Haiti, fearing the spread of more slave rebellions. If it’s possible in one colony, it gives hope elsewhere and that’s bad for business. Many slave owning states in America were thus wary of the revolution. Despite Haiti achieving universal equality, it was shunned and forgotten because it posed as a threat to the (white) west’s poster child revolution of its own.

In many ways, then, the true victors in the foundation of modernity were decided on a racial instead of a meritorious level. While this, by no means, aims to discredit the revolutions in France and America, it hopes to incite conversations today about social justice and universal human rights for all. Awareness of history as well as omitted history could bring about all power to all people.

by Nikhil Gupta

Photo Credits:

Haiti flag – Carifiesta 2011, abdallahh, CC BY 2.0

Haiti, elycefeliz, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

rEvolution!, Albert, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

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Language Revolution: Controversies of Gender-Sensitivity in the German Language

EditorChief — Sat, 18 May 2019 10:21:30 +0000

Different people live in different realities. We all make diverse experiences, and we value and feel about them in unique ways. Therefore, it is not surprising that we do not all use the same language, and that we do not all use language in the same way. This phenomenon becomes evident in Germany’s ongoing debate on gender-sensitive language, with many young feminists using it as a lever to change the way we perceive and design gender relations in society. Their activism is, however, strongly opposed by linguists, writers; many of who are women and outraged about the unnatural, ineffective and, allegedly, unnecessary nature of the language revolution.

Germany’s Language Revolution

To date, the German language offers a variety of expressions specifically describing a group of students of mixed gender: ‘Studierende’, ‘Student*innen’, ‘Student_innen’, ‘StudentInnen’, ‘Studenten/innen’, or even ‘Studentinnen und Studenten’. These terms have been introduced as more gender-sensitive alternatives to the masculine generic ‘Student’. The demonstrated logic applies to all designations that describe groups consisting of men, women and non-binary people. Especially the ‘gendering’ of job titles has gained increased acceptance and application in the 21st century.

Earlier this year, the German city of Hanover formally introduced the implementation of gender-neutral language in all official communication, including emails, letters, press statements, and brochures. The case of Hanover, and other cities that followed, sparked great controversy between proponents and opponents of expressing gender justice within language.

On the one hand, there are those people whose assertive usage of gender-neutral language in daily conversations is a proof of a deeply gender-sensitive way of thinking and perceiving the world. On the other hand, there are people who argue that making language more gender-just is an unnatural process, the “rape of the German language”, and that formalising gender-sensitive language is ineffective in combating inequality. The controversy has built up to a point where pragmatic arguments have been replaced by emotionally laden judgements from both sides, as is evident in frequently occurring debates on social media.

Controversies: How natural and how effective is gender-sensitive language?

Looking more closely at the criticisms expressed against gender-sensitive language, it is mostly the ‘making’ that is denounced by conservative linguists as “politically motivated adulterations of the German language”. They assert that language is the result of natural mutations, while gender-neutral language represents an unnatural intervention that endangers the whole grammatical system. However, how natural is language at all? It is clearly a product of human interaction, a means of communication, something that evolves with developments in society. As much as we are determined by the rules we give ourselves, we are the ones determining those rules. Our revolution creates the evolution of our language.

Perhaps, the critique of unnaturalness is much rather a cry to protect their comfort zone, and their perceived security. Of course, this security is limited to those who benefit from patriarchal structures, and who therefore see a language revolution as unnecessary. It would endanger the secured position they have in the structure, which creates discomfort in them. Besides those who directly benefit in a patriarchal society, there is a large group of people who simply conform to the dominant paradigm because protesting is exhausting and it cannot promise a more secure and fair structure as an outcome.

Once we have gotten used to gender inequality in all areas of our social life, then we are also used to a language that reproduces inequality. Maybe the generic masculine isn’t that much of a problem after all? On social media, there are many feminine voices asserting that they do not care what they are being called, as long as they know that they are meant to be addressed and included. They do not believe that language shapes our perception, therefore, it does not matter how we term things and people. One famous argument is that since Angela Merkel could make it despite her job title being announced as ‘Kanzler’, not ‘Kanzlerin’, our language does not cause any problems of inequality.

How does language shape our perception of reality?

Language is a huge part of human life. We use it to communicate all kinds of messages about the world around us, and we make sense of this reality through language. Of course, as argued by many opponents of gender-sensitive language, a word in isolation does not carry meaning and cannot make a change. However, considered in a certain context, words obtain meaning, as they are spoken by one person to another person through language in order to send a certain message. Therefore, the way in which we use the language matters in that it changes our mindset through a certain meaning we create out of it. The newly developing mindset will make us perceive a new kind of reality with new opportunities and limitations.

If my reality is that ‘Krankenschwestern’ and ‘Putzfrauen’ (literally: ‘Sick peoples’ sisters’ and ‘Cleaning women’, translated as nurses and cleaners) are supposed to be women as they are specifically addressed in the job title, I will be more likely to identify with these professions. And if I, as a young woman, am verbally encouraged to consider a career as a ‘Bundeskanzler*in’ (chancellor) or ‘Geschäftsführer*in’ (manager), this opportunity will sound a lot more realistic to me. Instead of being determined by the limitations of my language, I get to make a choice between cleaning and making politics.

The question remains: If we can use language positively by directly encouraging young females that they are considered in and cared about by society, and that they clearly have a space in various male-dominated spaces, why would we refuse to do so?

How can we move forward towards a more gender-just society?

We all have our opinions on questions of gender justice, which is hardly surprising, as our experiences and social realities are unique. All in all, it cannot be predicted that a change in language will generate more just structures, because we cannot fully grasp the causal relations between language and social change. This leads us to the debate on what has to change first – our language, or our social structure? At this point, we are facing a typical chicken-and-egg-problem. And we are stuck, because all of our attention and efforts to make positive change towards a more gender-just society are absorbed by this one fundamental debate.

The way to go might be simpler than we expect. Basically, we need to decide how much energy we put into discussing and disagreeing on the ‘how’ of achieving gender justice, and how much energy we can use to make positive change. Surely, we should not completely skip debating, because it can be fruitful and help us understand our pluralist society. But once the conversation thwarts and paralyses us, it is time to move on. What is in our might to create positive change? What kind of reality do we live in? Are women and LGBTQ+ people represented in the language that constitutes our reality? If they aren’t, the most fundamental step will be making them visible by verbally highlighting and celebrating their spaces and achievements in our society.

The spark of a revolution lies in the dissatisfaction and disagreement on some perceived social injustice of a group of people. Once these negative emotions and attitudes can be translated in a positive manner, as in a certain systematic change that is aspired, the revolution evolves. This is because ideas are powerful, and once a change can be imagined, we already live, to an extent, in a changed reality. We are starting to perceive situations differently as we direct our attention to certain variables and reflect critically upon them, and so our reality is different from the one we used to live in before. As it relates to language, it evolves as we adjust it to our reality, knowingly or unknowingly. That means, if our mindset is revolutionist as it perceives structural inequality, we will naturally make efforts to generate more equality through the way we express ourselves in language.

by Ellen Wagner

Photo Credits

Politics 11, Erik, CC BY-SA 2.0

Speech Balloon, Marc Walthieu, CC BY-NC 2.0

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Vantage Point Europe: A Revolution of Priorities

Merle Emrich — Thu, 16 May 2019 11:14:25 +0000

On Monday, 15th April 2019, Notre-Dame de Paris burned. While the incident is undoubtedly deplorable, calling it a ‘tragedy for the whole world’ is not only incredibly West-centric but reactions like these shine a spotlight on the hypocrisy of our society.

In a time span of not even four days, large corporations and several wealthy individuals donated a total of €850 million without hesitation. However, what we need is not a symbolic gesture of the 1% or shedding tears for a damaged church certain to be rebuilt, as it should be, no matter how magnificent. What we need is a revolution of priorities, a revolution of compassion and solidarity, which sparks awareness and leads to action.

Let’s start at home

While a handful of people possesses the wealth to be able to liberally pledge up to €200 million each, almost 9 million people in France have less than €1026 each month and thus 14% of the population live in poverty, mostly single parent families, unemployed and young people but also farmers and artisans. Many in France have at least heard of people who have to sleep in their cars because they cannot afford rent despite a job. And often the Gilets jaunes, who are taking to the street every week since November 17, 2018, name being out of money by the middle of the month due to the wage-living cost difference as one of the reasons why change is necessary. While, according to an EU statistic cited by Le Figaro, France has one of the lowest poverty (risk) rates in the EU (with the poverty line at 60% of the median income), beating Sweden by 0.9 percent points in 2015, Germany by 3.1 and Spain by 8.5, the statistics do not necessarily represent lived every day experiences.

“The real violence is: 9 million poor, 80 billion tax evasion, Google isn’t paying taxes, the loss of our schools and hospitals, the BAC [brigade anti-criminalité]. Not the three broken shop windows.”

In France’s neighbouring country to the north, the UK, policies have been implemented to reduce poverty of the elderly. And while this is undoubtedly an important step, another age group has been neglected: children. Due to stagnating incomes and benefit cuts relative child poverty might rise to 37% in 2023/24 exceeding the last high of the early 1990s. The Resolution Foundation states that a wage growth of only 1% could improve the situation, but it is up to the government to take such measures, or if they fail to do so it is up to the people to demand change.

Even further north, in Sweden, overall living standards have risen. However, this mostly applies to the wealthiest 10% while relative poverty is increasing fast. Sweden once had a considerably higher standard of social justice than other industrialised countries but in the last decade the income gap in Sweden was the fastest growing one of 34 OECD countries. It does not mean that the situation is now worse in Sweden than in other industrialised countries but it indicates that Sweden is moving from a poster child of social justice closer towards the rest of the industrialised world. And this trend is further supported by recent tax cuts for the wealthy which have left experts warning that, with many Swedes being increasingly unhappy with public services such as policing and schools, tax cuts might fuel xenophobia and populism.

Democracy and Journalism

Populism is not the only current threat to democracy. In April, Reporters Without Borders published the 2019 World Press Freedom Index. In their report, the organisation states that the situation for journalists has generally worsened, also in Europe – despite it still being the safest continent – due to journalists increasingly having to work in a ‘climate of fear’ and the rising number of attacks on journalists. It is not only politicians who seek to discredit the media, in France several journalists report to have been specifically targeted by police officers during the Gilets jaunes protests.

During Act 23 of the Gilets jaunes in Paris on April 20, journalist Gaspard Glanz was arrested and taken into custody for 48 hours. After having been hit by splinters of a tear gas grenade also containing 25g explosives which according to Glanz landed in the proximity of a group solely composed of journalists, he demanded to speak to the commissioner in order to receive an explanation for the incident. One of the police officers thus pushed the journalist back to which he reacted with a rude gesture. It followed the arrest and a, now revoked, ban on being in Paris on the first of May as well as on every Saturday until the trial in October. In an interview with Le Média, Glanz commented that it was not normal that journalists represented 10% of the injured (according to journalist David Dufresne’s count on his twitter account 10.2% by March 30, having increased to 12.9% by May 14) while making up only 1 or 2% of all people present and, in most cases, not having their protective gear confiscated by the police.

But the issue is not contained to France alone. It is a general European, and global, trend that shows itself through incidents such as the killing of Jamal Khashoggi as well as those of Daphne Caruana Galizia in Malta and Ján Kuciak and his fiancée in Slovakia, and the excessive and arbitrary imprisonment of journalists in countries such as Turkey. It is also visible in more low-key developments such as the increased verbal abuse and discrediting of the media. It is a trend that, for instance, saw the UK fall on place 40 out of 180, behind Uruguay, Chile and Samoa in Reporter Without Borders’ ranking.

Across the Sea

Increasing social inequalities and worsening conditions for journalist stand in a contrast to the European Union’s (EU) values such as equality, human dignity, freedom and democracy. But even more so does its policy concerning refugees. Article 2(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights states: “Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally […]” following article 1 that declares the EU’s commitment to respect human rights which according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights also includes the “right to life, liberty and security of person” (article 3) “without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status” (article 2).

And yet, the EU has abandoned its efforts to save drowning refugees in the Mediterranean and has even gone so far as to criminalise NGOs and civil society groups rescuing refugees and to deny their vessels access to European ports. Iverna McGowan (Amnesty International) commented this development by saying that “EU leaders have chosen to pander to xenophobic governments who are hellbent on keeping Europe closed, and to push even more responsibility onto countries outside the EU.” Meanwhile, French interior minister Castaner is siding with Italian right-wing Deputy PM Matteo Salvini as he accused NGOs of being accomplices of human smugglers. It is an accusation that is not based on facts so much as on La République en Marche’s fight against immigration, counters the director of Médecins sans Frontières, Michaël Neuman.

It becomes blindingly obvious, that it is not eras of carefreeness that show our true nation. On the contrary, it is times marked by challenges, inconveniences and crises that reveal the true value we place on human life, dignity, compassion and kindness – and to whom we apply that value and to whom we don’t.

A New Hope

To a certain extent it is understandable that Notre Dame evokes stronger emotions than international – if not global – problems, be it poverty and social injustice, infringements of democratic principles that we so want to belief in, or the death of strangers due to wars that we, by means of arms exports, profit from. It is closer to home, more relatable, easier to process and easier to fix. However, the hypocrisy of painting the accidental burning of a church as a global catastrophe while closing one’s eyes from the real catastrophes calls for a revolution of priorities, a kindling of compassion and solidarity.

There is one thing each of us needs to reflect on – student, politician, bartender, banker, arms producer, accountant, police officer: what can the Notre-Dame incident symbolise? To me the fire of something so old and seemingly eternal, in a world that too often appears to be meant the way it is, shows that a structure thought to last for all infinity can be broken up. There lies chaos and confusion in this destructive force. And yet, it is a creative power because who knows what will happen after. Who knows how we can shift and remodel the debris. Who knows if we cannot construct something even more magnificent. And we have it in our power to do so.

The strongest example of this power at the moment are perhaps environmental movements such as Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion. They speak – with urgency but also with hope – of an awakening to challenges superseding the individual in the here and now but applying to all of global society, present and future. At the same time the people of Algeria and Sudan are fighting for their democratic rights, Europe-wide protests against the EU’s refugee policy take place and the Gilets jaunes movement unites concerns for social justice with demands for more inclusion of the people in democratic processes and for more environmental justice. And even the arrest of Gaspard Glanz had positive effects since it resulted in a wave of solidarity expressed by various media channels and journalists and raised awareness on the often precarious situation of independent and young reporters who might not even have a press card.

At times the injustices and horrors of our society might seem overwhelming, and thus mentioned in this article are only a few and very much focused on Europe. Simultaneously, Venezuela is shaken by conflict, the war in Yemen is still ongoing, the suffering of the Rohingya has not ceased, … But amidst all this, it is more important than ever to not walk through this world with an averted view but to meet all tragedy and challenges with compassion and kindness, with courage and solidarity, and to take hope from every positive development, however small, and from the knowledge that we are not alone as we decide to walk this path.

by Merle Emrich

Photo Credits

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The Umbrella Revolution

Nina Kolarzik — Thu, 16 May 2019 11:13:34 +0000

About some revolutions we are informed quite well, others I have rarely heard about. The French Revolution was perceived a theme every year at school. The spirit of civil disobedience seems to still be with the French, but yellow is not only the signal colour of the current Gilets Jaunes protests, but also of the Umbrella Revolution.

The Umbrella Revolution?- never heard of it, even though it was relatively recent, only five years ago. A good reason to engage with it, since this uprising is a good example of resistance against governments authority, that reveals interesting about the special government structure of Hong Kong.

The beginning of an Uprising

In 2014, in the Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong, was in the international news for an uprising taking place on the streets and public spaces of the city’s central business district.

Triggered were the protests by new election guidelines from the National People’s Congress and lasted for 79 days. They demanded what was originally promised until 2017: free universal suffrage for the elections of the chief executive.

The candidates for this highest political post in Hong Kong are selected by a 1200-headed Chinese nominating committee, who can choose through the reform only two or three suitable candidates. This makes the people in Hong Kong worried that they will be able to choose only from pro-Beijing candidates who would serve as a marionette of China instead of having the interests of Hong Kong and its people in mind. No one, they would actually choose if they had a free choice would become state leader. Which is not a free democracy.

In between revolution and movement

Initiated was the movement by two university professors and a Baptist minister from the civil rights movement Occupy Central with Love and Peace after protesting students were attacked by the police. They used the energy of the following outrage. Students did boycott classes. They formed the heart of the protests, but people from all other ages and social groups joined in. They occupied central places in the financial and political centers and roads of the city, forcing public life and work to stop.

The protesters were using non-violent methods, the police threw tear gas. That was one reason to use umbrellas, which became the symbol of the movement: to protect themselves against the teargas and against rain, sun and all other weather.

Impressing is not only the peacefulness, but also the support and ethical behavior among the protesters, in terms of supporting each other and dealing with the circumstances and organization of a civil disobedience action.

Apropos, this article actually might not fit perfectly into this edition: the protesters dislike the term “revolution” and prefer to be called “Umbrella Movement”- foreign media where the ones who labeled it a revolution. “We are not seeking revolution. We just want democracy!”, is the message of student leader Joshua Wong. They seek real reforms, therefore, as great as it is, all the international attention also worries the movement leaders. It makes it seem like the students want to challenge China’s status quo – which can lead to the big state refusing any pragmatic political conversations. It is a risk to stand up openly against the big power. The movement wants to preserve the rights that were promised and not change the system, as a revolution is defined.

The Special Administration Region Hong Kong

The background of the dissatisfaction lies deeper in the political structure of a Hong Kong and its relationship to China.

Hong Kong is a former British colony that is governed these days by a principle of “one country, two systems”. What it means? What it means is that Hong Kong is officially autonomous and self-governed in many sectors, it is economically and judiciary independent, while its foreign affairs are managed by the Chinese mainland. How strong the autonomy of the smaller island state really is, is although questionable, as this incident showed.

For China, it is a signal not only to Hong Kong, but to every corner of its wide, contested nation. With Taiwan and Tibet sitting on their edge, the People’s Republic does not allow any independence movements. China did not step back- pragmatic protesters were aware of that.

The relations between Hong Kong and China are not only playing a role for the next elections, but for the general economic, political and social future of the island state. It is a struggle about the future status of Hong Kong- staying semi-autonomous or becoming as free as the younger generations demand.

It is not over yet

The consequences are not over- the Umbrella Revolution or Movement has been recently in the news again. Charges are pressed against the leaders of the demonstrations. They are now sentenced to possibly up to seven years in prison, based on a (internationally highly criticized) law from colonial times, for disturbing public order. Other movement participants, who wanted to go into politics after the protests ended, faced problems on their own way.

Recently, thousands of people went protesting on Hong Kong’s streets again, against extradition laws that degree more involvement of China in the internal affairs of Hong Kong, then many want. The fight about the country’s political future has also not seen its end.

by Nina Kolarzik

Photo Credits

“31th Day Umbrella Revolution”, Studio Incendo, CC BY 2.0

“Tents”, qbix08, CC-BY-SA-2.0

“Fist”, qbix08, CC-BY-SA-2.0

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Les Gilets Jaunes: A Discovery of Revolution

Merle Emrich — Tue, 26 Feb 2019 20:16:18 +0000

Since the beginning of the gilets jaunes (‘yellow vests’) movement, a response to Macron’s planned fuel tax hike as environmental measure, it has become clear that the protests are not directed against green policies. The increasingly expensive fuel prices were merely the drop that made the barrel of social injustices overfull. In the wake of this revolt against neo-liberal policies references to the French Revolution of 1789 peak through in the discourse of newspapers and on the streets. But who – or rather why – are the gilets jaunes, and what do they have in common with 230-year old revolutionaries?

Do You Hear the People Sing?

Mass protests and revolts can be confusing, especially when they are led by a diverse, leaderless movement such as the gilets jaunes, leaving many underlying structures undiscovered until, with time, they surface. What first had been perceived as opposition to rising fuel prices, soon revealed much larger magma chambers of anger at social injustices, disillusionment with party politics, and dissatisfaction with France’s ‘arrogant’ ‘president of the rich’.

The existence of the people’s frustration and its eventual eruption should not have come as a surprise, however. The prelude to the gilets jaunes already began in 1983, when Mitterand’s government imposed austerity policies leaving the people worried about the state of their social protections. Since then the French welfare system has been increasingly dismantled by the following governments in which the Macron administration is merely the latest one.

‘The first social law is therefore the one that guarantees all members of society the means of existence’ – Maximilien de Robespierre

All the same, Macron having been elected by many as the lesser of two evils and his failure to emphasise with the regular people have not contributed to defusing concerns. During his election campaign, Macron portrayed himself as a politician different to the established career politicians of previous governments. Once elected, he – not very surprisingly – turned out to be just one more privileged mainstream politician by instantaneously amending the wealth tax (ISF) and continuing on the path of neo-liberal policies.

His unfortunate history of condescending statements towards working class people such as ‘You don’t scare me with your T-shirt. The best way of paying for a suit is to work’, or that it were easy to find a job if only one tried since ‘[e]verywhere I go people say to me that they are looking for staff’ have not helped in the least to create an image of Macron as the people’s man. In fact, especially in rural areas there is a lack of employment opportunities and Macron’s austerity project includes the cutting of 100 000 more jobs in the public sector. The people feel overlooked and ignored by Paris, and it is not only the poor who struggle with high prices of i.e. fuel but also the middle class.

We no longer want this system of exploitation.

We no longer want people having to sleep on the streets.

We can no longer count our money, be in debt by the tenth of the month.

And we are millions who are in this situation.

(Gilets Jaunes leaflet)

The Figure of he King and Rhetoric of Revolution

The gilets jaunes movement, sparked by an attempted environmental policy directed at those who already have troubles making ends meet instead of the actors mainly responsible for pollution, the big industries, is a heterogeneous mass. While uniting people with different backgrounds and expectations without a clearly defined leadership, and in part being targeted by right-wing groups seeking to use it as platform for their ideology, the protests have some clear general objectives. Their demands range from higher wages and social security payments over better (free) public services and a fairer tax system including the reintroduction of the ISF to more direct democracy and the resignation of Macron.

If you go to the city centre of any French city on a Saturday you will encounter a crowd of people with drums and flags, many of them wearing their high-visibility vests. And if you stop listening to the chants of ‘ Macron! Démission!’ (Macron! Resignation!) you might every now and then pick up a reference to the French Revolution. And indeed, since the beginning of the protest comparisons to the revolution of 1789 have multiplied. The yellow vests that the movement owes its name to involuntarily reminds of the sans-culottes: the ‘culottes’ (pantaloons) were a symbol of aristocracy in 18th century society, thus, the sans-culotte represented the anti-elitist movement of that time much like the gilets jaunes with their high-visibility vests which can be seen not only as a sign of distress (used e.g. in the event of a car accident), but also as a symbol of the working class, are the French anti-elitist movement of today.

And even though the socio-economic circumstances of today and 230 years ago are not the same, the themes are. Both the French Revolution and the current wave protests can be linked to an anger over high living costs (indirect taxes on i.e. salt then causing the price of bread to sore, Macron’s fuel tax now) and favouritism towards the wealthiest 1%, as well as dissatisfaction with a king/ president who is out of touch with the regular people. Or as a gilet jaune put it: ‘This is the beginning of the revolution. We are not in 1789, we’re not going to cut off heads but we want that Macron resigns […] In 1789, the aristocracy was about 1% of the population. That is the same percentage that the ISF applies to.’

Funnily enough, Macron is reported to have said that ‘in French politics what is absent is the figure of the king which I think basically the French people did not want dead.’ He could not have been more wrong. After all, the French Revolution, although France relapsed into authoritarianism with Napoleon, endowed the people with sovereignty. Sovereignty in so far as that they could hold their representatives accountable to guarding social justice and the equality of the people. Moreover, the constitution of 1793 degreed that a law if opposed by at least 10% in half of France would not be adopted. These principles and achievements of the French Revolution – social justice, equality, accountability and more direct democracy – are the objectives of the gilets jaunes. And more pragmatically, according to sociologist and president of the Fondation maison des sciences de l’homme (FMSH), Michel Wievorka, the comparison with the revolution provides the protesters with a legitimating rhetoric that every French(wo)man can related to, and that thus unites an otherwise diverse movement.

by Merle Emrich

Photos Credits

Related articles:

Les Gilets Jaunes: The Uncovering of Violence

Photo Essay: A Nation Sees Yellow

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Manuela Sáenz – Liberator of the Liberator

Anna Bernard — Wed, 10 May 2017 13:22:47 +0000

Manuela Sáenz is a curious case indeed. She was a Latin American revolutionary figure from the continent’s turbulent 19th century. The revolutionary times opened up a space for behavior defying gender, class and racial norms, which created the first seeds for emancipatory women’s movements. Since her passing, Sáenz has gained a heroine status. Her legacy has empowered various Latin American feminist and revolutionary movements to this day.

The life of Sáenz

Born in Quito, current-day Ecuador, in 1797 as the illegitimate child of elite class parents, Manuela Sáenz defied societal norms since her birth. She was informally recognized by her father who later found her a rich English merchant, who she married according to her father’s wishes. This marriage subsequently set off a chain reaction that destined her to become a revolutionary heroine.

Sáenz followed her husband and became a socialite in Lima, Peru. It is in these circles that she got involved in political and military affairs, leading her to bloom as a supporter of the independence cause. As a politically active member of the upper class in Lima, she initially engaged in the independence cause in ways acceptable for women. She informed independence leaders of any Spanish royalist actions and strategies that she heard of, and she was known to hold “tertulias”, intellectual gatherings, where independence sympathizers gathered to further their cause.

It was in 1822, at the age of 25, that Manuela Sáenz met Simón Bolívar, the Liberator, the most famous Spanish American revolutionary figure of the time. During the revolutionary campaigns, Sáenz worked as Bolivar’s personal archivist, informant and confidant, while also being his lover, companion and political supporter. Sáenz is also believed to have fought alongside Bolívar’s troops as an equal in one or more of the battles, thus contributing to the independence movement’s victories and to the consolidation of the independence of Spanish America.

Most memorably she also twice saved her confidant’s life. In 1828, Sáenz assisted Bolívar to flee would-be assassins who had made their way into Bolívar’s proximity. Her audacity and perceptiveness earned her the title ‘Libertadora del Libertador’ from Bolívar.

Women’s involvement in the revolution – the legacy

Although the life of Sáenz was incredibly eventful and full of departures from the norms of her times, she has been depicted most commonly merely as the lover and partner of Bolívar, thus not receiving the credit she deserves for her efforts and loyalty to the independence movement. This difficulty to reconcile with and accept her significance in the creation of an independent continent is arguably related to her break from traditional female roles and societal norms. However, since the turn of the twentieth century, a variety of scholars have sought to capture the deep scope of her life and efforts in the revolutionary processes, while recalling and re-evaluating her association with Bolívar and his movement.

Women were crucial to the Spanish American wars of independence. Most women, especially among the elite and middle sectors of society, conformed to the notion of “proper womanhood” even during exceptional times such as revolutionary struggles. These women supported the independence cause by giving monetary support, serving as spies, sewing uniforms, and by sacrificing their husbands and adult sons to the independence movement. Some women would follow armies in order to tend to the wounded, which was deemed as acceptable behavior for women, as they were seen as extending their supposedly natural instinct to nurture into an extreme situation in a time of crisis and sacrifice. Most of the women with the armies, however, were poor indigenous or mestiza women, who were the daughters, girlfriends, or wives of low-ranking soldiers. These women followed their men, feeding and comforting them as they fought for independence. Still, women in the aforementioned functions stayed in the accepted spectrum of actions regarding their gender, class, race, and status.

Manuela Sáenz departed from these standards. She was engaged in the revolution long before she was involved with Bolívar. Sáenz was a talented and dedicated revolutionary who was capable of manipulating existing gender norms – sometimes adhering to them, at others rejecting them – when she needed to advance her personal and political interests. The problem was that as the revolution ended, strong female revolutionaries such as Sáenz were expected to step away from their exceptional position they had gained during the crisis, and once again pertain to a more traditional role out of the realms of politics and military affairs.

Emancipation emanating from the revolutions

It is argued that Manuela Sáenz and other women like her participating in the revolutionary movements have been crucial in the revolution of women’s emancipation in Latin America.

“The revolution will be feminist or it will not be.”

Five factors have been identified that contributed to the emergence of Latin American women’s emancipation and revolutionary feminism, born of the various revolutionary movements. Firstly, engagement, such as that of Sáenz’s, in independence movements challenged the status-quo perception of gender behavior thus giving women more space to manoeuvre. Secondly, training in the ranks of the independence movements gave women unprecedented logistical skillsets that they were able to utilize in the organization of women’s movements. Thirdly, there was a political opening in a more chaotic state structure that gave women a chance to organize. In addition, this organizing was stimulated by unmet basic needs by revolutionary movements that women themselves felt a need to address; and finally, a collective feminist consciousness – subtle or not – needed to be present for emancipatory movements to gain strength.

In this context Sáenz was certainly ahead of her time, as great innovators often are. Instead of receiving recognition for her efforts, she was exiled and died a pariah. However, even after such degradation, Sáenz’s legacy subtly lived on, inspiring countless women to mobilize.

The life of Sáenz was that of norm-breaking behavior and extreme solidarity for a cause and commitment to the leader she deemed invaluable for the revolution. Sáenz found an opportunity to express her aspirations, desires and ambitions through the revolutionary movement, and by doing so she contributed to an independent continent and paved way for successive women’s mobilization.

By Anna Bernard

Photos:

Osvaldo Gago #acampadasol (Attribution-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-SA 2.0))

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