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]]>What caught my interest first, once I started reading, was the definition of the word. Immediately I found the connection I was looking for. I trust articles of my fellow writers will add some interesting information and views about the topic. But for me, I choose to dwell around the abstract concept of “Punk”.
Cambridge dictionary defines punk as “culture popular among young people, especially in the late 1970s, involving opposition to authority expressed through shocking behaviour, clothes, and hair, and fast, loud music”. Referring to this definition, aren’t we all punks in our own way?
When you think about it, one realizes that each and every one of us, humans, are living our lives according to our own personal taste, listening to the types of music of our interest, dressing in the outfit that suits our style and practicing the values of our choice, the ones we believe in. When it comes to politics, we all have our political inclinations. Doesn’t that make us “Punks” in our own way?
Analyzing the definition of the word further, we find that punks expresses their views through “shocking behaviour”, so apparently, being a punk is demonstrating your own behavior out loud. In my personal view, if we all came to know each other closely, we would find out unique “shocking” facts about ourselves as well as others. The way I see it, what characterizes us as humans, is our own personal behaviour, which is sometimes shocking to others who do not adapt our same values and beliefs.
This brings me to the thought of “acceptance”, which should be connected to the mentioned definition of the word “Punk”. I believe that when we come to fully accept others, we can relate the word “punk” to a new culture of tolerance. Another thought that crosses my mind is the reason behind the negative connotation to the word “Punk”, is it because some people fear the brave or because some others do not like the ones who speak out loud and hit on controversial matters!
Let me end my line of thoughts with a very simple question. Wouldn’t the world be a better place if we all “Punks” accept eachother?
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]]>The post Poems by Tim Klaenfoth appeared first on Pike & Hurricane.
]]>Free people
in black boots
write
Songs
that no one sings,
because the lyrics
change all the time.
Songs
that are adored
for the craze
they could cause.
Songs
that have yet
to mean
something.
In your
new leather jacket
you’re somebody
else.
Your tattoos
aren’t as permanent
as the frown
on your face.
If we’re not talking
about a revolution,
then we’re not talking
at all.
And when I ask you
how your mom’s doing,
you say she’s still
not with the cause.
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]]>The post Pussy Riot – Between Balaclava and House of Cards appeared first on Pike & Hurricane.
]]>The band was founded in 2011 and emerged from the art group Voina. Pussy Riot set off by staging punk rock performances in public places in Russia – in the metro, on rooftops and on the Red Square for example. The band first landed international headlines in February 2012 when they attempted to perform their song “A Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow. Back then, their performance was aimed at criticizing the relationship between the Orthodox church in Russia and Vladimir Putin’s election campaign as the church embraced Putin as a candidate for the presidency. Even though the performance was interrupted and didn’t take place the way it was planned, a cut-together video was later uploaded on YouTube with the title “Punk Prayer – Mother of God, Chase Putin Away!” and was seen worldwide. One year later a documentary called “Pussy Riot – A Punk Prayer” about the band and the trial, which followed the performance, was published.
However, perceptions of Pussy Riot remain ambiguous and encourage us to take a closer look.
After the trial following the attempted performance in Moskov in 2012, Pussy Riot received solidarity from queer-feminist punk bands, Riot Grrrls members and other celebrities like Madonna. This put the musical aspects of the collective in the foreground. Pussy Riot was specifically set in the punk context as the genre traditionally focuses on criticizing state power which was and still is one of the main objectives of the group. However the performances that took place were less about music and a lot more about intervention and interruption in relation to the location of the performance. For example in 2011, the performance “Death to prison, freedom to protest” took place in front of a prison where political activists were being held after demonstrating against the results of national elections.
Pussy Riot is affiliated with Russian political artist collectives like Bombily, Chto delat? and MediaUdar. More broadly their usage of the balaclavas has also been connected to non-Western feminisms like the Chiapas movement. Members of the Chiapas movement cover their faces with balaclavas to avoid the development of personality cults.To add another view, apart from Pussy Riot being described as a punk band and a collective of performance activists, the group’s work is also described as media art,as every performance is later edited and spread on the internet in various forms.
The second aspect which presents a dichotomy in relation to Pussy Riot is the tension between individual’s being in the center of attention and the group’s goal to not have a personality cult. The group states that:
“We are anonymous, because we act against any personality cult, against hierarchies implied by appearance, age and other visible social attributes. We cover our heads, because we oppose the very idea of using female face as a trademark for promoting any sort of goods or services”.
https://pussy-riot.livejournal.com/ – Pussy Riot Blog 2014
The dress code of Pussy Riot has been the object of debate, but as previously mentioned, it allows the group to perform as collective and to not fall into individualizing the group and its media presence. Although not allowing individual personification was Pussy Riot’s goal, after the trial in connection to “A Punk Prayer”,the arrest of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Maria Alekhina and Yekaterina Samutsevich, put them in the international spotlight. This directly went against the collective’s agenda and was extensively promoted by international media.
The third ambiguity that I came across exists between the Western Gaze and Western (white) feminism on the one hand and Russian feminist perspectives. This too can be exemplified by looking at what happened after “The Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior: In Western discourses the performance was soon labeled as a queer-feminist punk performance and ascribed punk values. This includes anti-religious sentiments. From a critical point of view, this can be seen in the setting of what is sometimes called a New Cold War in which – among other things – a divide is created between the progressive and secularized West and a non secularized, religious and dogmatic Other, namely Russia. Therefore counter-hegemonic collectives like Pussy Riot are seen as rising up against state-values like religion.
But when looking closely at the group’s activism it is observable that they don’t promote anti-religious sentiments. What they do criticize is the commercialization of religion and how it is used as a facade for generating profit. The collective notes that religion can be the oppressor’s tool, but it can also be a way of empowerment and they acknowledge that there are religious as well as non-religious members of Pussy Riot.
Furthermore the title of the video uploaded after the church performance was “Punk Prayer – Mother of God, Chase Putin Away!” and they reclaim Mary as a feminist figure. The activists even explained that performing in the altar area of the church was aimed at raising awareness to the issue that women are not permitted in this area of Orthodox churches and not even Mary would be allowed to go there.
Overall this demonstrates that the values which are often connected to Western queer-feminist punk related groups, have to be viewed differentiated in Non-Western contexts.
This brief introduction to Pussy Riot demonstrated that the group exists in betweens and can hardly be analyzed from a singular perspective. It is therefore important to consider local and national Russian contexts when looking at the collective’s activism. There has been tensions between its status as a band or as a political performance group, between acting as a collective and individuals getting into the media spotlight and lastly between a Western view of the group and their activism in the current Russian framework.
Regardless of all those dichotomies what goes without questioning is that Pussy Riot had and has a crucial influence on Russian feminist discourses and if you haven’t heard of them so far I hope you’ll open Spotify, YouTube, Deezer or any other music streaming provider now and start listening to their songs!
Wiedlack, K. and Neufeld, M. (2014). Lost in Translation? Pussy Riot Solidarity Activism and the Danger of Perpetuating North/Western Hegemonies. Religion and Gender, 4(2), 145–165.
Wiedlack, K. (2016). Pussy Riot and the Western Gaze: Punk Music, Solidarity and the Production of Similarity and Difference. Popular Music and Society, 39(4), 410–422.
Rutland, P. (2014). The Pussy Riot affair: gender and national identity in Putin’s Russia. Nationalities Papers, 42(4), 575-582.
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]]>Shukrat Bibi is an 86-year-old artisan who uses her needlework to preserve the cultural heritage of Hunza Valley. She owns a small shop in Karimabad, the capital of Hunza Valley. The shop looks like a safe cave made of rocks. At the shopfront, one can see colourful handmade products, decorated with exquisite embroidery hanging on the door. An enchanting sight that lures you into the shop where you will find many more treasures of meticulously handmade beautiful embroidery. Shukrat Bibi uses her magical needle to sew traditional dresses, handbags, colourful caps and festive accessories.
At the entrance of the shop, Shukrat Bibi sits with her needle in hand. Dressed in the traditional Hunza attire and wearing a colourful Hunza cap, she welcomes national and international visitors into her world. She has a warm and friendly demeanor, an air of serenity. Hanging on the wall behind her a newspaper article is displayed about her precious work. She sees the article as a sign of appreciation and acknowledgement that she is keeping her Hunza heritage alive and flourishing (The Express Tribune). Inside the shop, one sees the Presidential Pride of Performance Award, an award granted by the President to recognize people with “notable achievements in the field of art, science, literature, sports, and nursing”. Shukrat Bibi’s award clearly acknowledges Pakistan’s gratitude for her hard work in “keeping the delicate art of do sutti karhai (embroidery) alive in the region”.
At the age of 10, Shukrat Bibi’s mother taught her the art of embroidery. Now, Shukrat Bibi at the age of 86 has passed her skills and talent to hundreds of women in Hunza. The skills which she has passed on to them have contributed to their financial independence and they have become members of her cavalry fighting to preserve Hunza culture. Shukrat Bibi takes great pride in her efforts to keep the culture of handmade embroidery of Hunza alive and hopes that her students will continue this tradition.
Nowadays, the world has become a village. Today, the exotic Hunza Valley is a famous touristic spot not only for Pakistanis but for international travellers alike. Visiting Hunza brings benefits not only for the travellers themselves lucky enough to see it but for the district itself and for Pakistan as a country. However, it is important that the Hunza Valley retains its identity and unique charm in this age of globalization. Hunza Valley is blessed to have inhabitants like Shukrat Bibi and all of her students. A talented group of women who love their culture and identity and are proud to share their timeless history in our modern, globalized world.
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]]>Photographer: Tania L.
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]]>The post Tender Ideas appeared first on Pike & Hurricane.
]]>Down from where I wanted to be days ago
From where I could have been years ago
And from where I should have been forever ago
I don’t hear a thing anymore
But the beat of the marching drum
Headed down the path to a future so vivid
Glistening much brighter than this one ever could
Picture by our photographer Tania L.
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]]>Trade wars, the Taliban in Afghanistan, a rise in populism, Covid-19 – to name a few – the worsening of the climate crisis lingering in the back… The world as our parents used to know it, is falling more and more apart at its seams. The postulation that each kid will once have a better life than their parents, a premise long uncontested, does not hold validity anymore these days.
But there is another promise, another vision of world order – pledging peace, prosperity and harmony – this time coming from the East. China has ambitious plans to restructure the world as we know it. Recently, the voices of Chinese politicians have become louder and adopted a more assertive tone, in propagating a promising new world, with China at its centre. Xi Jinping does not leave out any opportunities to proclaim the realization of the “China Dream”: “We must make persistent efforts, press ahead with indomitable will, continue to push forward the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and strive to achieve the Chinese dream of great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.”
Xi’s ideas are often said to be associated with the book China Dream: Great Power Thinking and Strategic Posture in the Post-America Era in 2010 by Liu Mingfu, a retired Chinese colonel. In his best-selling book, Liu tells the story of how China will reassert its righteous place as the world’s dominant power and what life under Chinese hegemony would look like.
The “China Dream” and the possibility of a global Chinese hegemony could sooner turn into reality than one might think. China has been consistently and carefully rising among nations in the past thirty years. Starting in the 1990s, China began experiencing double-digit GDP growth. Even at its lowest GDP growth of 2,3% in 2020, the year of the Covid-19 related financial crisis, the Chinese economy is still expanding, making it one of the only G20 countries to not go into recession. By comparison, while the USA still has a higher GDP than China, its annual growth rate has been unstable and never exceeded one digit. The latest estimation is that the Chinese economy is on course to surpass the GDP of the US by 2028 or 2029.
Drawing on its economic advantage, China is developing and modernizing its military. By 2049, right on time for the 100th anniversary of the PRC, the People’s Liberation Army should be transformed into a “world-class” military.
All of these ambitious goals strive towards one thing only – the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Among Chinese decision-makers, the Western discourse of “China’s rise” is a sensitive issue, because in their eyes, China is not “rising”. It is simply reasserting its rightful place as a major power, as it used to be centuries ago. This narrative is derived from China’s past, ancient texts and cultural virtues. Texts by philosophers like Confucius and Mencius introduce the possibility of a different model of leadership, that of ‘true kingship’ or ‘humane authority’, known as Tianxia. It is a form of leadership that does not rely on hard power, but rather on cultural attraction and “winning the hearts of the people”, as well as on voluntary submission. So when Chinese politicians and key strategists speak of the world’s and China’s future, they are often referring to this narrative reassuring that China’s rise will not threaten the stability of the existing international system and in fact, will actually lead to greater global stability. This is because China will behave very differently than the US, as it will mainly rely on political power that is rooted in virtues and personal morality of the leaders.
However, Chinese officials are often accused of “selectively remembering” Chinese history to serve their political objectives and that they purposefully reconstruct China as an overly benevolent center of East Asia. Adversaries, such as scholar Teufel-Dreyer claims that “supporters of the revival of tianxia as a model for today’s world are essentially misrepresenting the past to reconfigure the future, distorting it to advance a political agenda that is at best disingenuous and at worst dangerous”.
Leaving all of this aside however, if it came true, what would life under the Chinese Dream look like? Amongst the consequences of the rising China narrative is a view on ‘Otherness’ that advocates conversion rather than coexistence. The best way to understand the establishment of a harmonious world is with the Confucian idea of “cultivating the self, regulating the family, governing the state, and pacifying the world”. This means that a wang ruler (sage king) “brings peace to the world” by first “cultivating his own moral value”, then the moral values of those he rules over.
Another influential ancient philosopher, Mozi, presents an even more radical approach, based on his notion of universal love. Mozi notes that all people have different opinions; therefore, when individuals act purely out of self-interest and rulers act only in the interests of their own nation, conflict arises. The emperor, if benevolent, unifies the opinions of state leaders and through them all the people. Yet, this involves not just a radical reordering of people’s preferences but the construction of new identities, such that all become part of “one world, [with] one dream”. This process of “harmonizing the world”, requires hence the complete erasure of difference in the world. It requires the creation of new identities such that all belong to the new harmonious world order, leaving little room for those who may not wish to belong.
Related articles:
A Vision for the World with Chinese Characteristics
One Belt, One Road – China’s Path to the West
Photo credits:
“Xi Jinping at the EP” by European Parliament is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
US National Archives & DVIDS – GetArchive | PH1 WINSTON C. PITMAN, USN, Credit: U.S Navy
“Confucius” by JayPLee is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
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]]>Christiania lies in the heart of Copenhagen – only about 35 kilometers from Malmö University – and used to be a military site. In the 1970s, the area started to be used by a social fringe group and slowly turned into what it is today: an alternative society or so-called “Freetown”. The community is based on anarchism and commits to self-governance; in practice, that means that housing is publicly owned and financed through crowdfunding. The property on which all of Christiania is built is owned by a non-profit organization that is financially supported by people all over Denmark. Because of this, the area is not affected by the speculations of the real estate market and does not partake in the ups and downs of the market economy. The living situation of Christiania’s inhabitants is therefore much more secure in regards to reliable and affordable rent prices.
Even though the property is shared and owned by a non-profit organization, residents are allowed to make any changes they want. They are not only encouraged to develop their own living space but also to partake in upholding the community: In several workgroups – like infrastructure child-care, press office, and economy – the population of Christiana can contribute to current projects and help in advancing the overall project.
Moreover, the Freetown has its own institutions and mechanisms for road works, garbage collection, and providing care-taking for young children. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of Christiania still are a part of Copenhagen’s society as large parts of the community work in Denmark’s capital, go to schools there and use infrastructure that Christiania doesn’t provide – like hospitals. Many of the people who don’t work in Copenhagen work independently in the arts sector.
But the wonderland that Christiania portrays for some people is being more and more disturbed by police raids. A part of its self-governing structure is that Christiania has a liberal attitude towards soft drugs. Despite this fact, the Freetown was left in peace for a long time. This has changed during the past few years and there are rising tensions between the inhabitants and the police.
Apart from this recent development that makes Christiania appear less like an attractive place to live in, another question that remains is how much Christiania is scalable and if it can be a model for other communities. On the one hand, it seems like self-governance is a form of community that is supported by many young people as it gives them the freedom to participate in their community and customize their own space. Besides, the fact that Christiania’s renting prices are independent of the fluctuations of the market prevents gentrification and makes housing affordable – even in Copenhagen.
On the other hand, critics of the project make the point that it might not be economically sustainable for cities to have communities like Christiania.
If you want to dive deeper into the topic and listen to inhabitants of Christiania addressing those issues, ckeck out this YoutTube video.
By Runa Ziegler
Photo credits:
(CC BY 2.0) taken by brooke | Scott Raymond | Flickr
(CC BY-NC-ND 2.0) Christiania, Copenhagen | One of the many creative spaces wi… | Flickr
(CC BY-NC 2.0) Christiania | Christiania, Copenhague, Dinamarca. Más inform… | Flickr
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]]>In later years, however, the real difficulties of the East-West relationship started permeating the one-sided narrative of the Great West and came to show a strong ambivalence towards a newly united Germany, especially among East Germans.
What is nowadays too often excluded from the conversation, is the fact that many people remember their time in socialism fondly. The idea of a “wonderland” out West simply doesn’t hold up for many people, especially considering that after the reunion, the East has been steadily dealing with a weak job market and slowed economic growth.
The following interview presents this complicated emotional state about having left a heavily controlled environment very well. I asked to talk to my former kindergarten teacher, someone who, for obvious reasons, influenced me a great deal. She is a woman that wears her heart on her sleeve, is grounded in the most likable way, and is representative of a generation victim to an emotional turmoil in the years past 1989, which were previously unseen. Feelings of insecurity surfaced for her once the wall came down, and the safety that was once self-evident seemed to fade, whilst at the same time seemingly opening up many new doors, and further complicating the lives of many Germans, who, as a nation, were still smitten by the impact of World War II.
Pike & Hurricane: Just briefly for our readers, who are you?
Schmitt: My name is Regine Schmitt, I am 55 years old, and a kindergarten teacher here in Berlin. I was raised in what used to be East Berlin and was about 21 when the wall came down.
P&H: How would you describe your childhood?
S.: Whew, my childhood was really, how I should say, happy? Yeah. I grew up very sheltered, let me say it that way. I have two sisters, one older, one younger. My parents were both working.
P&H: What did they do for work?
S.: My mother was a kindergarten teacher, too, and my father worked for the “Deutsche Reichsbahn” (East German Railway). I went to school for ten years, as you used to, and then did vocational training to become a kindergarten teacher, which is what I really wanted to do. So yeah, I had a good childhood. We traveled a lot, as my family is originally from the Baltic Sea, and so we always went there over the holidays. I can’t really say anything negative. Especially as a kid, I didn’t really see any of that, all the things that were happening in the world.
P&H: What was your financial situation like?
S.: Nowadays, I would say average, middle class. We weren’t rich, but also not poor. But we had what we wanted, and even had a car, which was really something at that time. Being mobile and all that.
P&H: How did you and your family view the West back then?
S.: We learned a lot in school about how the West is full of Capitalists, people are exploited, and everything is just not as nice as it’s always presented on TV. That’s what I learned in school, you know? I was really scared, well, not scared, but I felt bad for those people. They don’t have it as nice as me, I thought. They don’t grow up in as secure of an environment. They always suggested to us, that we’re being protected from Capitalism and all these bad people.
P&H: Did you experience anything positive about the West?
S.: Yes, they had many things that I didn’t have. Like candy, or when you saw advertisements on TV, you’d see all these toys. All these colorful, bright things, I didn’t have all those. But I also can’t say I missed any of that. I had toys, too, like dolls and stuff. But sometimes you’d see the commercials and think: “Oh wow, that’s pretty”. I also knew that I’d never have those things, so I just took it at face value. That’s fine too, I thought.
P&H: Did you ever think the wall would come down, and you’d be here in West Berlin?
S.: No, no, never. Not even in my dreams. I wasn’t really politically active or anything, like some other people, were. Even when I was around 14, 15, 16, I didn’t really think about these things. Many others were much more engaged with it than I was, but that really wasn’t me. I was happy to graduate, to learn a profession, and that made me content somehow. But I would have never thought of the wall coming down.
P&H: But then it did come down, how did you feel?
S.: Good question. I have thought about this a lot if I’m able to somehow summon those feelings again. I can still remember being at home and I really couldn’t believe it. I wasn’t scared, but I really didn’t know what’s coming next. I grew up sheltered from everything, everything was “good” so far. We didn’t have a lot of things, but we got used to that, so I had no idea what all this meant now. Insecure, is the best way to put it. The next day, when I went to work, I realized that a lot of colleagues didn’t show up anymore. They just left. They left their families behind. There were even cases, where you would only see the father of a child anymore because the mother had left to head out West. And I just thought: “How could they? Just because some wall came down, how could you leave your family like that?” I couldn’t understand it, it was surreal.
P&H: What is your stance on the common stereotype that all East Germans wish the wall was still standing?
S.: No, I really don’t think that way. Sometimes one might say that nonchalantly, but I really can’t say that. Everyone is responsible for their own life, and if I want to live well, I have to act on that. That’s my view on it. Complaining about how everything used to be better, I really wouldn’t do that.
P&H: We just wrapped up German Unity Day in early October, does that day make you feel any kind of way?
S.: No, not at all. Back in East Germany, we had all these “mandatory holidays”, where you’d have to go somewhere, dress nicely in your blue FDJ (Free German Youth) shirt and march, wave, and all that, and I never liked that. I’m really happy those things don’t exist anymore, and now I’m just happy to have a day off. I’m not sad, or anything. I just take it as it is.
By Tim Klaenfoth
Related articles:
The Case of the Mistaken Identity
Photo credits:
Featured image: Raphaël Thiémard from Belgium., CC BY-SA 2.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0, via Wikimedia Commons
Picture 1 and 2: The pictures stem from the private collection of Regine Schmitt.
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]]>We were just sitting and talking until a Caucasian woman around mid-50’s asked if she could join us. Asians are polite creatures, so we agreed. We continued talking, and she asked us some questions and shared stories of her travels in Asia. Be mindful, the conversation was happening in English. We were having a lovely time and she seemed nice enough until she suddenly said to us “You ladies, should not come here and steal our husbands!”. Then she went on about Thai massage parlours and Vietnamese-run nail salons and how there are too many of these in Scandinavia. My girlfriend and I are both fluent Danish speakers, so at this point we switched to Danish as we suspected that she was, and we were right. I jokingly said, we are not aware which one is her husband as we do not have a directory of “who-is-whose” in our Asian community WhatsApp group. My girlfriend, who is older than me, told her to get off our table and some profanity was uttered.
I shared this story in the Clubhouse audio chat room, most of whom participating were immigrants or foreigners of Asian origins. The whole room roared with laughter, but a bittersweet discussion ensued. All of us have a shared story of how we are often accused of stealing something, be it jobs from the locals and now, other people’s husbands. And if we express our discomfort of being treated derogatorily in a foreign country, we all have experienced being told off: “If you don’t like it, why don’t you go back to your country!”.
Why do people migrate?
The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) reported that in 2015, around 244 million people, or 3.3 per cent of the world’s population lived outside their country of origin. A more recent number from 2017, reported in The United Nations International Migration Report (UN DESA), estimated 258 million people are living in a country other than their country of birth. Both these reports stated that some of the reasons why people migrate are for the search of better economic and social opportunities.
The pursuit of better economic opportunities is cited as one common reason people migrate. Economic migration is defined as a choice to move to improve one’s standard of living by gaining a better paid job. When Poland and other Eastern European countries joined the EU in 2004, the UK received many economic migrants from this region. The Philippines have one of the world’s largest migrant workers abroad. Known as Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW), they are economic heroes of the country because of their significant contributions towards the growth of the Philippine economy. Remittances sent by OFWs accounted for 11% of the country’s total GDP in 2018. Overseas remittances from a migrant worker are important to a country’s domestic economy as it helps increase the purchasing power of the population i.e., the family members left behind. The remittances improve credit constraints on the poor, improve the allocation of capital, substitute for the lack of financial development and thus accelerate economic growth. Via these inward remittances as well, countries can maintain a stable foreign reserve.
The United Nations International Migration Report stated that when supported by appropriate policies, migration can contribute to inclusive and sustainable economic growth and development in both home and host communities. Remittances constitute a significant source of household income that improves the livelihoods of families and communities through investments in education, health, sanitation, housing and infrastructure. Countries of destination benefit significantly from migration, as migrants often fill critical labour gaps, create jobs as entrepreneurs, and pay taxes and social security contributions. Some migrants are among the most dynamic members of the host society contributing to the development of science and technology and enriching their host communities by providing cultural diversity. If economic migration has such a beneficial effect, shouldn’t host countries make an effort to increase the dignity of these groups?
Diversity and inclusion of economic migrants
According to an OECD report, in many European countries the integration of migrants means their assimilation into a pre-existing, unified social order, with a homogenous culture and set of values. Integration is perceived as a one-way process, putting the onus for change solely on migrants. In my experience, this is true for most countries, so I will not single out the European countries as being the only bad examples at making an equitable diversity and inclusive policies for economic migrants. One of which is the requirement to speak the national language to obtain employment. Many migrants such as myself have successfully learnt the local language, as this is something we see necessary for survival rather than merely an employment requirement. The trap here is when you do speak the language, you rarely become as fluent as a native. You might remain passive in a conversation, where you reply only when you are spoken to.
Of course, there are also social class differences within the economic migrants’ group. Many of my peers are what is known as ‘professionals’ and due to the mobility strategies of the companies we are working for, we are fortunate enough to experience lives as expatriates. At the same time, there are those who are in lower-skilled labour such as those employed in short-term projects, for example construction workers. As a norm, we are slightly better compensated than our local peers, but this is because often we need to budget trips home and pay for international education of our kids if the local school programs aren’t in English. In addition, rents are typically higher for those on temporary working visas. Perhaps it is because of aspects like these that it bums us out when we are accused of being a kind of pest or economic freeloaders by the natives of the host countries.
Positive reinforcements of economic migrants at national level
Back to my story on Clubhouse. What struck my girlfriend and I was that not once did the lady ask us where we came from. Not that it matters, the fact she insulted us like that was a xenophobic act itself. Often people are stereotyped and grouped together by assumed characteristics such as the colour of their skin and appearances. There is a notion that all Asian look alike, which is an annoying statement. We can be similar in appearances but vastly different in terms of the religion we practise or the language we speak. The socio-political situation of our home countries and the rights we are guaranteed differs significantly. As a Malaysian, I have significant political, economic, and social benefits that come with being a citizen of a progressive country. I can travel without a pre-approved visa to the Schengen area. Citizens of many of my neighbouring countries, such as Thailand and Vietnam, who according to prevailing stereotypes are “just like me”, lack this freedom. An absence of international immigration cooperation restricts them to travel freely, for instance to Schengen-countries.
For those groups of economic migrants who lack democratic representations at home, this migration is more than just an opportunity for better lives but also an opportunity to live their lives in freedom and safety. I salute these economic migrants as they migrate and become entrepreneurs by opening massage and nail salon centres, and in so doing creating employment and adding to the local economy through value added and service taxes for example. If any, they should be applauded, not be accused of being hoarders of the economy or husband-thieves. They should be recognized as a dignified human being for making an honest living. It is the task of the host country to create a positive representation of these economic migrants in the community at large, through positive conversations and images that will lead to change in the ways that locals view their participation and contribution to the local economy.
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Photo Credits:
By Marjan Blan on Unsplash
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