malmo – Pike & Hurricane

Women’s march: feminism from below smashing the patriarchy

Silas de Saram — Tue, 24 Mar 2020 15:09:55 +0000

On March 8 (International Women’s Day), I had the pleasure to attend the women’s march in Malmö, which was organized and attended by multiple feminist and leftist organizations. Especially prevalent were the groups ‘Feminism Underifrån’, a feminist group from Malmö, ‘Activista Feminista’, a Malmö based anticapitalist collective fighting for Women’s rights and LGBTQ+ emancipation, and ‘Mangla’, a group fighting for women’s rights and trans rights in Sweden.

The demonstration began at Möllevängstorget, where speeches by various organizations, as well as by the swedish Left Party (Vänsterpartiet), who’s protest occurred earlier on the same day. One speaker stressed the importance of fighting fatphobia as a part of the fight against sexism and racism. Another speech was held on the topic of LGBTQ+ rights in Poland under the Polish far-right administration. The third speech was held on the topic of Rojava, the Kurdish autonomous region in northeastern Syria.

After the speeches, the procession began moving through the streets of Malmö’s Möllevången and Rådmansvången.

Especially visible was the banner of ‘Revolutionär Kommunistisk Ungdom’ (RUK), the youth wing of the Swedish Communist Party (Kommunistiska Partiet), a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party.

Multiple anarchist groups were in attendance, such as Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation (SAC), Syndikalistiska Ungdomsförbundet (SUF) and Red and Black Collective.

Many different feminist issues were represented at the Women’s March. One specific issue that was represented is the horrible abuse of women in Mexico, and the staggering numbers of femicide in the country.

Overall there appeared to be a large anticapitalist presence, this women’s march was attended by a more revolutionary audience than the protest of the Left Party, earlier on the same day.

by Silas de Saram

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Building power- where architecture constructs more than houses

Nina Kolarzik — Wed, 06 Nov 2019 12:32:33 +0000

Power can be horrifying- when it is demonstrated in an obvious way, like parades showing off military strength. The more subtle, underlying ways of power we often do not notice, even though (or because) they are visible in all aspects of life.

A design of power

Have you ever tried to sit down comfortably on one of the benches at Malmö Central Station? Or did you try to get to the 8th floor in Niagara but could not? Or did you wonder why prisons sometimes have the shape of a star?

I am asking you this because I want to talk about the link between power and architecture. Or, to be more specific, how architecture and design can be used as a tool to execute power. Not in terms of the historical examples of megalomaniac emperors who celebrate themselves with a massive triumphal arch or buildings from the times of national socialism.

Instead I want to pay attention to where we can find it in our contemporary environment. Because once you open your eyes you will see the expression of power everywhere.

Today, it is common to find special features in public places and constructions. “Anti-homeless spikes” under bridges or on stairs and walls, benches with central armrests or sloping seats, metal lumps, … Every possible thing that may prevent homeless people from sleeping in public areas, people from vandalising, or even skateboarding in public spaces. In other words, they try to prevent the unwanted.

Please, sit down!?

In the professional jargon this is called hostile or defensive architecture. “Hostile architecture or hostile design is when public spaces are intentionally designed to exclude humans or hinder human use.” The original thought, was to prevent crime and make public spaces safer- which sounds like a good intention. But the more recent developments lead to the designing of public spaces for certain interests. Whether on purpose or not, processes of power are involved in this. In the words of Ocean Howell that means: “When we talk about the ‘public’, we’re never actually talking about ‘everyone’.” That reinforces a social division, but the prevention of bad behaviour is used as justification for these measurements.

Those with a bad social representation who are associated with a certain behaviour are hit and dehumanised- their treatment being similar to how pigeons are treated in cities. Simultaneously, these social groups barely have social power or representation on their own since they are not politically organised. And since the armrests on benches are as uncomfortable for a homeless person as everyone else who wants to take a nap they cannot be labelled as discriminating.

These and many more similar ideas can be found in mega cities around the world, from New York to Peking.

Barely visible, but it is uncomfortable to sit at: the short and uneven benches in Malmö C

The procedure is not solving the social problem, but only removing it from our eyesight. And not always the so called “anti-social behaviour” is taking place. The unofficial, but colourful Southbank Skate Park in London for example was saved by UK skaters from closing and by now has become a well-known sight of the city. In British media, especially, this practise has recently been debated.

Why is this important to talk about, especially in connection to foreign affairs? Because it means that those in power can control and regulate spaces and access rights, define what is normal and appropriate in societies and construct an image of “normality” through the architectural construction of spaces.

Open your eyes to Malmö: education seen through a different lens

Exercising social power does exist in infrastructural designs of cities. Not only public spaces but also the inside of buildings can reveal power dimensions. An example is Bentham’s Panopticon, a concept of constructing a building that is perfectly designed for surveillance. A center is surrounded by several wings of cells, for example. That makes it possible for a single person to constantly observe the people in the wings of the building, however, the inmates cannot know whether they are observed- the fact that they could be anytime is enough to discipline and control them. This concept is suitable for prisons (multiple ones exist around the world) but also for factories, hospitals or schools and in the digital age of CCTV.

Thinking about schools is a good call- in exam rooms the structural power of teachers is particularly visible: they can watch everyone at the same time from the front and see the slightest irregularity through the position of the tables. Once you start questioning architecture, other examples catch the attention, where the separation of society or exclusion through access rights manifests. But not all are as extreme as the examples above.

One building that crossed my mind is part of our own university: Niagara. Without knowing the true intention behind its architectural design, it does send some messages. Within its special triangulation of an A, B and C building, one part is mainly reserved for those working at the university. Students cannot use the elevator in the “C building” or access the levels above the 6th floor. Since the students are not able to enter the higher floors, the staff is literally standing above the students. That prompts the question: does it mean more than the spatial location? Is it meant as statement, a separation or even exclusion? Or was the design of the differently high towers a purely aesthetic and practical creation? In other universities the staff rooms are often accessible to visitors- which is necessary for getting into contact with each other. Is there a connection? Are people feeling the effect and how do teachers think about this division?

Is that art or trash?

There are also voices of defense that argue that not every design is intended to be hostile or excluding. But who can judge if a wavy bench is meant to be modern art or uncomfortable to lie down upon?

It is also important to think about how to address the original problematic in a more positive way. The Edible Bus Stop is an example of a community project in London, where the design includes not only benches but also an edible garden. The community which at first was afraid that the benches would encourage anti-social behaviour, now uses the space, looks after the garden, and started to be proud of their spaces. A whole new article could be written about how the designing of public spaces can encourage good behaviour (instead of preemptively punishing bad one).

by Nina Kolarzik

Photo Credits

A Park for Unpleasant Design, Kathleen Fu, CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Multiculturalism in Malmö – Interview with Anders Hellström

EditorChief — Tue, 31 Mar 2015 20:44:36 +0000

Anders Hellström is a professor and a researcher at Malmö Högskola. His current studies are related to Scandinavia, with a focus on populist and nationalist parties. He studied issues related to the concept of multiculturalism with a special interest for the Sweden Democrats. He accepted to answer a few questions for Pike and Hurricane about the special multicultural character of Malmö and its challenges.

Q: As a political science researcher, how would you define multiculturalism?
A: I think it can be the mirror image of the way nationalist parties describe it. It can also be about group rights, ethnic minority group rights.

Q: Would you say that multiculturalism has a special definition in Sweden?
A: No, I don’t think so. But I think that a chapter in the book Debating multiculturalism in the Nordic welfare states, edited by Peter Kivisto and Östen Wahlbeck, can help to understands it. They explain how multiculturalism could gain versus progressivism. But my focus now is about the Sweden Democrats. And I think that the majority of the Swedish population has become more and more tolerant. But if you’re not satisfied with this, there is only one party in the Parliament that can answer this demand, the Sweden Democrats.

Q: Malmö has so many migrants and refugees, coming from different origins and speaking different languages, would you say that Malmö has a special multicultural identity?
A: No, I would rather say it is a symbol of multiculturalism and swedishness. So if you are against Sweden Democrats (SD), you will support Malmö. And if you are pro-SD, then you are afraid of Malmö. So Malmö is like Zlatan Ibrahimovic, it is one of Sweden’s symbols. But if you’re not happy with that, you might be afraid and feel like you have to move away from Malmö.

Q: Multiculturalism is also related to the worldwide famous refugees and migrants welcoming policies of Sweden, would you describe them as being efficient?
A: To answer, I think that you can go to Mipex index, because they compare integration policies of different countries. And, actually if you read the news and you listen to people, you see that those policies are seen as a failure. Everybody in Europe, especially politicians, say we should do something about it. But, if you go to datas, we are the best students in this area.

Q: But, what about your opinion on the matter?
A: I think that there is a narrow concept of swedishness. But, if you can broader it with everyday diversity, and I hope you can, you should embrace it. You will make more people feel at home and safe, because currently some people live in fear of being arrested. And I think Sweden is walking in that direction. More and more people are acclimated, are happy, are living with less and less fear in their everyday life.

Q: In Europe, nationalist and populist movement as Sweden Democrats, United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) or Front National, are spreading all over Europe. Do you see it as a threat to multiculturalism?
A: I think there is a big yes and no to this question. It is a big threat because they claim to address concern of the common man against the elite. But before, it has always been in a vertical position from the elite to the mass. Now, it has changed to an horizontal position. A lot of very different people do not believe in the Sweden Democrats message. So, there is a struggle appearing here. And if the SD claim to represent the common man, sometimes there is not so much support from the common man.

Q: To come back to Malmö, are the SD rather strong or weak in Malmö?
A: It is stronger that in Göteborg and Stockholm. But it is not as strong as in the surroundings of Malmö. So there is definitely a rural dimension. It is not so big in the big cities as Malmö, Göteborg or Stockholm. If you look at the countryside, in Skåne for instance, the Sweden Democrats have gained a lot of votes.

Q: But, why, do you think, the SD has gained more votes in Malmö than Göteborg and Stockholm? Is it related to the multicultural character of Malmö?
A: No. There are studies showing that the SD voters are often the one living far from the migrants. I think it is more due to Skåne history of protest and opposition against the central government. There is also a question of publicity. It is not the main reason but it is noticeable. For instance, in Norrland, and I speak for the 2006 elections, people did not know about SD. If you do not know about them, you can not vote for them. And I really believe in that explanation rather than Malmö as being too multicultural. But you can also say that there is a serious demographic transition and the country has grown to become much less homogeneous. That creates tensions in public opinion: the great majority embrace diversity but a significant minority is against the change.

Q: Finally, more as a Swedish person than a researcher, what is a Swede for you?
A: In my opinion, a good Swede is somebody who can sort the garbage: plastic, metal… And a good Swede is not a Sweden Democrat. I also believe that national identities are not there but they are reproduced. Nationalism is very strong in Sweden, as everywhere else, but for me it is represented as sorting the garbage and not being a Sweden Democrat. And I think that nationalism is seen by every individual depending on several factors as the emotional climate. And to be against the SD more and more, you can find the energy to be mobilized against them. So they can see the mobilization against them and it can have a double effect: it shows your disapproval and diminishes them.

By Marine Pansu

Image credit:

Picture 1: Björn Rixman, licensed under CC BY 2.0

Picture 2 & 3: Maria Eklind, licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0

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